
Qass. 
Book. 









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FfiSTUS C. CURRIER 



Kitehburg S«iitiue] 



REMINISCENCES 



FESTUS C. CURRIER 



Born at Holliston, Mass., 
October 6, 1825. 



FITCHBURG, MASS., MAY, 1900. 



Republished from Fitchburg Sentinel. 






■ / 

/ 



REMINISCENCES. 



CHAPTER I. 

STAGE COACHES IN 1830. — PRESIDENT 
JACKSON'S VISIT TO BOSTON. — MAINE 
LAND SPECULATION. 

The request of personal frienrls that I 
write up some reminiscences of political 
aflairs and men prominent in the same, 
and of other matters of note occurring 
since my early manhood, is considered 
with much hesitation, realizing lack of 
ability for such an effort — and not hav- 
ing kept a diary of events through this 
long time, I must rely on memory for 
the needed materials. This seemed to 
me sufficient reason why I should not 
attempt it, but as they seem to think I 
can write up something of interest from 
my life experience, I will do what I can 
in this line. 

My first recollections go back to about 
1830, or near that time, when as a very 
small boy I distinctly remember the in- 
terest and delight I took in seeing the 
stage coaches with their fine looking 
horses as the_v went by my home, with 
the driver on the box with his long 
whip in hand. I looked on him as a 
pretty big man, none then, in mj' con- 
ception, any bigger. It was the only 
attraction in my native village for us 
boys, and we took it all in and scanned 
it very closely, and I remember with 
what awe and wonder I beheld the 
Great New York and Boston Line of 



coaches that tor a short time went 
through our village, an express line go- 
ing at a rapid rate, most of the time 
with six horses to a coach ; they were of 
the largest size and could carry a con- 
siderable numjjer of passengers and bag- 
gage. They used to get along through 
our place about sunrise from New York, 
and I could hear them coming quite a 
while before they came in sight, so I 
was out to see them. These great 
teams heavily laden going along at such 
rapid rate made considerable noise and 
generally attracted the attention of the 
people. 

This was thought in those days to be 
a pretty big thing, and it was, as noth- 
ing greater, up to that time, in the way 
of transportation had ever been seen. 
The next event I remember was in 1833, 
wben I had the opportunity to see that 
renowned warrior and statesman, An- 
drew Jackson, president of the United 
States, w^hen he came to Boston. My 
father, an ardent Jackson man, who, 
no doubt, thought him the greatest man 
of his day, took this opportunity to see 
him, and also seemed to think he had a 
couple of boys who wanted to see him, 
so, with my older brother, I went to 
Boston, a distance of twenty-five miles 
from our home, in his wagon. (No rail- 
roads entered Boston at that time.) 
Starting before sunrise on a fine clear 
morning in the month of June, w^e were 
about four hours on the way. The road 
was filled with teams and coaches full 
of people, en route for the same place 
we had in view. 

On Boston Common, as we entered, 
the crowd was immense and wild with 
enthusiasm and excitement. When the 
barouche containing the president came 
in sight at the entrance on Boylston 



street a shout went up that mi<j^ht have 
been heard miles away, aided by the 
thunders of artillery fired near by, mak- 
ing the whole scene most terrific. Such 
a reception was never given any man 
on Boston Common before or since — at 
least, I do not believe there ever was. 
I have in my time seen many such occa- 
sions in Boston, but never one that 
came up to this. 

When the president's carriage came 
near where we stood, my father led us 
quite near — only a few feet away — so 
that a close view was obtained. Tall, 
erect, spare, a sharp, penetrating ej^e, 
grav hair, standing up like bristles, a 
commanding presence — his very appear- 
ance seemed to describe the manner of 
man he was. 

The people went wild over the scene 
and were only restrained by the guard 
of soldiers around the carriage from 
blocking its passage. When an old sol- 
dier was presented, the president cor- 
dially shook his hand. Notwithstand- 
ing my \'outh, being eight years old, 
this scene has never been effaced from 
my memory, and for this great oppor- 
tunity to view this, lo my mind the 
most remarkable man ever produced in 
this country, I shall ever feel grateful to 
my father. 

Boston has never failed to accord to 
every president coming within her limits 
due respect and cordial reception, al- 
ways generous and lavish in every par- 
ticular; and so throughout Massachu- 
setts and all New Englan t, Jackson 
was everywhere received wittt great en- 
thusiasm and affection. Tht special 
reason of this ardent feeling was the 
fact that he had just brought South 
Carolina to terms in her nullification 
business, which to his political oppo- 



nents, did much to soften the animosi- 
ties created by his course relating to 
the re-charter of the United States bank, 
as here and in all New England the 
failure to do this was looked upon as a 
terrible thing for the country. But in 
this matter time has rendered judgment 
in his favor. 

Members of his cabinet were with 
him — Martin Van Buren, Levi Wood- 
bury, father of the late Charles Levi 
Woodbury of Boston, and others; but 
I have no recollection of having noticed 
any of them. On the following day he 
went by invitation of the authorities of 
Harvard college to Cambridge, accom- 
panied by his ministers, escorted by the 
"military," the governor and staflF, 
United States and state officers. He 
was offered the opportunity to ride 
horseback, which he accepted. This was 
a notable feature and attracted much 
attention, as he was a superb horse- 
man. Also it was said that Mr. Van 
Buren joined him in riding the same 
way. I did not see this part, but re- 
member the talk made about it from 
those who were present and heard it 
read from the papers, which gave full 
details of what occurred. 

In coming into New England he trav- 
eled by special coaches, his cabinet with 
him. There was no railroad in this part 
of the country, so he was obliged to 
come in that rather slow^ way. But he 
had, by this mode of travel, a good 
opportunity to meet the plain people in 
the villages and towns, on the farm and 
in public places, being everywhere re- 
ceived with great enthusiasm and ven- 
eration from all classes of people. I 
remember well the talk made at my 
home about this great event, and no 
occurrence relating to it failed of notice. 



He had just entered upon his second 
term of office, after a very exciting con- 
test. His course concerning the bank 
had created a tremendous opposition to 
him and the election was to be his 
downfall or his vindication. The cam- 
paign of 1832 was, no doubt, the most 
personal and vindictive contest ever 
fought in this country, and created very 
much ill-feeling and animosity as be- 
tween parties and among the people in 
general. It was a long time before its 
effects died out. Probably no man any- 
where before the peojjle for public office 
was ever so maligned and abused 
as Jackson ; but he triumphed and re- 
ceived a strong endorsement from the 
p>eople. This fact did very much to in- 
crease his popularity, gave his friends 
much gratification and lent a glorifica- 
tion for him on his journey, exceeding 
in intensity that of any other of the 
great men or heroes of his time or 
since — no doubt, due in some degree to 
the violence of his enemies in the public 
press and otherwise. 

His second administration, like his 
first, was one of turmoil and political 
antagonism, which continued through- 
out to his successor. The fight with 
the bank, which he had refused a re- 
charter, affected business seriously, and 
produced much political excitement 
throughout the country. But the Jack- 
son or Democratic party, through Jack- 
son's great influence, was enabled to 
elect his successor, Mr. Van Buren, who 
carried out the Jackson | .iicy, and in 
consequence met with great and violent 
opposition everywhere. His administra- 
tion wa.s turbulent from beginning to 
end. The very hard times ot this peri- 
od so impressed it on my mind that it 
is not forgotten. Nothing within my 



remembrance ever equalled it in severi- 
ty. The suspension of specie payments, 
and the stoppage of bank accommoda- 
tion to business men, put a stop to 
business everywhere, largely in conse- 
quence of the failure to re-charter the 
United States bank. 

About this time occurred the great 
tinancial disasters owing to the great 
Eastern land speculation, which had 
raged for a year or more, affecting all 
New England more or less, in this state 
reaching almost every town of any size. 
This land was located in the northern 
part of Maine, from Bangor to Moose- 
head lake, covering a large tract of heav- 
ily wooded country, with but few inhab- 
itants located anywhere on the tract. 
Bangor was then a small place, with 
few inhabitants, mostly lumbermen in- 
terested in this great lumber district. 

The state originally owned all these 
lands and caused a survey to be made, 
which resulted in maps showing the 
sections, as the whole was divided up. 
marked and numbered, stating the num- 
ber of acres in each. These maps were 
official and were deposited in the State 
house at Augusta. The sections, as 
shown on these maps, were the objects 
of this great speculation. Copies were 
drawn, or supposed to be drawn, from 
these maps; but as it turned out, many 
of these copies were frauds, and no 
such land existed anywhere as repre- 
sented by them. 

The great value in these lands was 
the timber standing thereon, immense, 
in fact almost limitless in quantities. 
Since that time this timber has been 
cut, and the lumber from it carried to 
all parts of the country and the world, 
as the navigable rivers, from the sea 
coast up into this country made it easy 



ot ingress and egress for vessels of large 
size and tonnage in the transportation 
of the great product of these lands. 

This for a time brought great pros- 
perity and wealth to Maine, but the 
speculation in the land resulted profita- 
bly to those only who got out early. 
To the majority it brought ruin and 
disaster. Boston was the chief head- 
quarters of this business, and the pre- 
pared copies of the original survey were 
hung up in ever\' broker's office and 
in public places, and great placards 
were everywhere posted, proclaiming 
the great value of this countr\' — not 
only its great timber wealth, but its 
ivalue for agricultural purposes. Then 
it was xnade a strong point in their 
favor that the\' were very accessible 
through the great rivers flowing through 
the same. Great advertisements in the 
weekly newspapers perhaps helped on 
this fraud, and many in the rural dis- 
tricts in this state and in New England 
were led into it through this means. 

I remember this matter distinctly 
from the fact that my father was in 
it — how much I never knew, but he 
was interested . with others in Boston, 
and was employed by a syndicate to go 
down into this country to view the 
lands and get a knowledge of their lo- 
cation and probable value. This, I 
think, was in the winter of '36 or '37. 
I have nothing by which to fix the ex- 
act date of his trip, but I remember it 
was in the winter, as when he came 
home he brought with him a pair of 
snow shoes, something of a curiosity to 
me. These shoes remained in an old 
store room in my father's residence for 
a number of years, but what became of 
them I am unable to state. They were 
rather clumsy-looking, about 15 to 17 



inches long, four or five inches broad, 
and made in the shape of sled runners 
of hard wood, so that the foot would 
set down into the frame and could be 
easily strapped to it. 

On his return from this trip into the 
wilds of Maine, he related, in my pres- 
ence, his experience. I remember it well, 
although I was only 10 years old. 
There were no railroads and the rivers 
^vere all frozen up, so that overland by 
stage he got to Bangor, there securing 
the necessary guides and outfit for the 
wilderness. The snow was very deep — 
five to six feet on an average — making 
snow shoes necessar^^ But few inhabi- 
tants were found, and only stations or 
cabins of hunters were open for travel- 
ers who might be going through the 
country. The result of his trip was to 
find that the maps they carried did not 
show the land as represented, and in 
some places the land sold was located 
under large lakes and ponds, showing 
the great swindle that was being car- 
ried on in this speculation. 

Probably never before or since has 
such a reckless and fraudulent specula- 
tive business been carried on, and prob- 
ably a greater number of well-to-do 
men were caught and ruined, than ever 
before in the business experience of this 
country. This and the bank troubles 
had a terrible effect on the people, and 
carried distress everywhere into their 
homes. Factories, workshops and mills 
of every class closed their doors, shut- 
ting out any chance for employment. 
Want and destitution prevailed on every 
hand, and much suffering was the re- 
sult. The people were not in a happy 
frame of mind. Political controversy 
ran high, and angry discussions over 
the situation were heard in public places, 



on the corners of the streets, in stores 
and taverns and in the home. Churches 
were rent in twain; society divided into 
political camps ; neighbors living near 
each other were not on friendl}' terms; 
men met together in town meeting to 
transact town business, were divided 
strictly on party grounds, and the 
strongest prevailed without much re- 
gard to the minority. No Democrat 
was invited or expected to attend a 
social gathering of Whig families, and, 
on the other hand, no Whig would be 
found at the house of his Democratic 
'neighbor. 

This was the state of affairs as they 
icxisted in 1837, 183S, 1839, in my na- 
tive town, and it was generally the 
lease all over New England. Women 
'were equally excited with the men and 
Itook sides with their husbands. This 
w^as the cause of the political revolu- 
tion of 1840, which removed the Jack- 
son-Van Buren party from power. 



11 



CHAPTER II. 

EARLY TRIALS OF STEAM RAILROADS. — 
SALE OF LIQUOR. — GOVERNOR ELECT- 
ED BY ONE MAJORITY. — THE " STRIPED 
PIG." 

Within the decade from 1830 to 1840, 
the introduction of railroads, operated 
by steam, into this state, was success- 
fully completed, and some important 
lines were built and placed in successful 
operation. 

The road from Boston to Providence, 
R. I., was completed ; the Boston & 
Worcester followed next. This road 
was built as far as Westboro late in 
1834. When it got up as far as the 
town of Hopkinton (now Ashland), the 
town authorities, with citizens of the 
village, got up a celebration to publicly 
receive the first train, and give it due 
recognition, such as this important 
event demanded. 

Up to this time hardly any one in the 
country had ever seen a railway train. 
Therefore it was a great novelty. The 
people came from all the surrounding 
towns to see this most wonderful sight, 
the first railway train ever run in this 
part of the state. 

I went with ray father and older 
brother to this place, a distance of 
about five miles, to see this remarkable 
show — an experiment, as it was then 
called, and many thought it only an 
experiment, and doubted its success. It 
was frequently remarked within my 
hearing that day, that it would never 
amount to much, and doubts were 



everywhere prevalent regarding its per- 
manent success. Caj)italists hesitated 
to invest in the stock, or to render aid 
or encouragement to an enterprise so 
doubtful. This was the case through- 
out the state, and the progress of the 
great improvement was somewhat slow. 

There was no telegraphic communica- 
tion at this date, and the telephone 
was an undiscovered secret. To find 
out where the train was, and how soon 
it might be expected, it was arranged 
that a cannon should be placed on a 
hill just below the village, which cut off 
the view in the direction of the ap- 
proaching train. From the top of this 
hill was a long stretch of open coun- 
try, extending almost to South Fra- 
mingham, so that the gunner could see 
the train quite a distance. 

When the train came in sight, they 
were to announce the fact by firing this 
gun. When this was heard, a few mo- 
ments elapsed. Then the exjiected train 
put in an appearance, receiving loud 
plaudits from the large crowd, said to 
contain at least eight thousand people. 
A band of music was provided and 
added much to the interest of the occa- 
sion ; also a military company was in 
attendance. 

We have often seen in print, pictures 
of these original trains of cars and the 
engines. They have also been seen in 
some of the indu.strial exhibitions of the 
country, illustrating the great improve- 
ments made since. 

The engine was rated at about six 
tons, with no cover for the engineer or 
fireman. They stood on a platform, 
similar to those now in use, next to 
the tender. This carried the wood for 
fuel and a large tank for water, which 
looked like a larjj^e hogshead or pipe, 



with a number of buckets or pails hang- 
ing upon it, to be used in replenishing 
the supph' of water. 

When the train came along where we 
stood, the escape of the steam and the 
shutting off of the same, together with 
the action of the brakemen on each car 
in stopping the train, made so much of 
a racket that the crowd, who stood 
pretty close to the track, began to scat- 
ter, from fear of what the thing might 
do to them. 

There were four or five cars, all of the 
short coach pattern, with a brakeman 
on each, sitting on a seat similar to the 
box on a stage coach. There was no 
station building or platform, except a 
small temporary one. 

The cars were filled, I suppose, with 
stockholders and their friends, and some 
were on top. When all had alighted, 
the crowd made a rush to get into the 
cars, and they filled them inside and out. 
W'ith this crowd on board, the train 
backed down to a bridge over a stream 
of water, running a short distance be- 
low. With the engine standing on this 
bridge, the tank was replenished by the 
use of the buckets from the water be- 
low. There was no other facilities for 
supplying this necessity. 

This was a sample of railroading in 
those days, and it took some time for 
people to get acquainted with it and 
ride on it. Stage coaches did not read- 
ih' give way to this new mode of travel, 
but continued all the way fi'om Boston 
to Worcester to run, until the loss ot 
the government mails and patronage 
compelled them to stop. This was the 
case everywhere else. The stage coach 
went out of use very reluctantly, as a 
large amount of capital was invested in 
them. A great many men employed in 

14 



running them found themselves out of 
business, and were, of course, the chief 
opponents of the new s^'stem. There 
were the farmers, who said the market 
for horses, hay and grain, would be 
ruined. Thev felt badly over it and 
complained much. 

This was the situation at this time, 
and years passed before the Boston & 
Worcester railroad was a paying invest- 
ment. In fact, for some time the stock 
was valueless. 

The first time I rode on the road was 
in going to Boston. I went in one of 
these coaches with doors in the side. I 
remember they did not ride quite as 
comfortable as the cars of the present 
day. About ten miles an hour was said 
to be the running time, but the car was 
far from comfortable to ride in, the road 
uneven and rough ; so that my first ex- 
perience on the track was not favora- 
ble. But it was an improvement on the 
stage coach, and soon became the chief 
mode of travel. 

Some of the difficulties met wim in 
starting and putting into operation this 
railroad were told me a few years ago 
by one of its original conductors, whom 
1 remember on the road from its start, 
and who retained this position nearly 
up to the union of the road with the 
Western railroad into the Boston & 
Albany, as it now is. He ran the first 
passenger train from Boston to Worces- 
ter on the completion of the road, and 
so was there at the start and was well 
informed about all the ins and outs of 
the road. 

The first winter after the road went 
into operation was very severe and a 
good cieal of snow fell, which was a 
great obstruction to the road. ThcA' 
had no auuliances for removinar snow. 



except the common shovel, and to em- 
ploy the number of men necessary to 
clear the track would require a large 
outlay of money. This they did not 
have, as the road had not done much 
business and its revenues were small. 
So the directors decided not to try to 
clear the road, and put their engines 
and cars into their store-houses and 
stopped business. This gave the stage 
owners great courage, and they used it 
for all it was worth as against the 
road. The stoppage of the trains and 
the clamor everywhere heard, had an 
unfavorable effect on the directors and 
stockholders, and they began to express 
themselves as though their property 
was not of much value, and doubted 
whether they could long continue the 
operation of the road. As this gentle- 
man told me, the board of directors 
finally held a meeting to decide what 
should be done with the property. After 
much discussion one of the board, who 
appeared to have more confidence than 
the others — David Henshaw, then col- 
lector of the port of Boston and a resi- 
dent of Leicester in this county — rose 
and declared in very decided language 
that the road should not stop, but 
should start, and when started should 
not again stop. This appeared to have 
its effect, for the trains were put on 
soon after and have never since ceased 
to run. 

Another incident connected virith the 
stoppage of the trains, as he told me, 
was the fact that he, with the other 
conductor — there were but two of these 
at this time — proposed to the directors 
to put the trains on again and run 
them for what they could get out of it, 
but the offer was not accepted. 

I well remember that these two con- 

16 



ductors were both fine lookiiija; men and 
that they alwavs appeared on duty 
dressed in the height ot fashion, wear- 
ing shining silk tile hats of the latest 
pattern, that being before the days of 
uniforms for railroad employes. 

There were other obstacles in the 
way. They had no system of signals, 
as none had then been invented. They 
had no means of finding out where on 
the road a train might be, if it failed 
to pnt in an appearance at the stated 
time. Only two passenger trains were 
run and a local freight. Each passen- 
ger train started at the same time, one 
leaving Boston as the other left Worces- 
ter. Only a single track was laid, and 
served the company for many years for 
all the business transported over it. 
These trains were to meet and pass 
each other at South Framingham, and 
this arrangement was not changed until 
the second track was laid. To meet 
this difficult^^ a relay of horses was 
posted all along the line from Boston 
to Worcester, five miles apart. In case 
of accident or delay, these horses were 
used to find the train and report back 
to the other train where it was. This 
was an expensive scheme, but had to be 
employed. 

This whole story goes to show how 
feeble was the starting of this great en- 
terprise, and how little its possibilities 
were then understood, how reluctantly 
capital came to its aid, and how the 
public failed to appreciate it, or patron- 
ize it for some time after its beginning. 
A few men of recognized ability and 
character, with many doubts, but hav- 
ing perseverance, pushed it forward to 
success, as we all know, the most valu- 
able and best paying property in this 
country, the Boston & Albany railroad. 

17 



About this time there occurred some 
political changes in this old Common- 
wealth worthy of note. The temper- 
ance question was assuming considera- 
ble importance and the good people 
were getting stirred up over the appar- 
ent increase in drunkenness and dissi- 
pation. Up to now the taverns every- 
where, and they were found in every' 
town, no matter how small, and in 
large places a number of them, had 
open bars for the sale of alcoholic 
drinks, being licensed as innholders,' 
which included the sale of liquor, by 
the county commissioners, so that towns 
had no control over the matter. I re-, 
member very well the old tavern in my 
native lown, with its well-regulated 
bar, large and handsome decanters of 
glass arranged on shelves in the rear of 
this bar, and the tumblers and other 
fixings of a bar-room with a large 
wood stove (no coal was in use out- 
side of Boston then) in the middle of 
the room, with chairs around it to ac- 
commodate the travelers who happened 
to come along and townspeople who 
regularly came in to drink their "flip" 
and talk over political aff"airs and the 
latest news. This was then the con- 
dition of every town in New England 
and, no doubt, throughout the country. 

The tavern-keeper was generally the 
leading man in town, and one ot its 
chief officers, justice of the peace and 
frequently postmaster. This was the 
case in my town, and it falling to my 
lot to go for the mail, I had frequent 
opportunity to observe the business of 
the place, so that the impressions gath- 
ered then are pretty well fixed in my 
mind. All classes ot people were there, 
and appeared to partake freely. The 
wonder in niv mind now is that more 



drunkenness did not prevail, but there 
was enough ot it, particularly on mili- 
tia training da3'S and other public oc- 
casions. 

The legislature, previous to this time, 
183S, had passed laws to restrain the 
sale of liquor in some, but not in an 
effective degree. The sale at the taverns 
went right on. Public opinion seemed 
to be against the enforcement of the 
law and, therefore, it did not stop the 
business. The legislature of this year 
passed a law known as the "fifteen gal- 
lon" law, restricting the sale of strong 
alcoholic liquors, (neither beer nor cider 
was included), to not less than this 
number of gallons. To enforce this law 
would cut off the taverns. They could 
not deal out to any one less than this 
quantity, under a penalty of $100 fine 
for each violation of the law. This, of 
course, raised a storm, and the land- 
lord, being the chief man of the town, 
had great influence over the common 
people and stirred them up everywhere 
against the injustice of the law, telling 
them their rights were invaded and they 
must not submit to it. The stage own- 
ers and drivers were a pretty- numerous 
class in those days, and the teamsters 
on the road were everywhere seen. All 
these people were loud against this in- 
fraction of their rights and privileges. 
So they and the tavern-keepers, with 
their opportunity among the people, 
had great influence against the enforce- 
ment of the law, and it was found very 
diflicult to get a verdict against any 
violator theieof. The juries were very 
generalh' prejudiced against the law, so 
that on the merest quibble they would 
acquit outright or fail to agree. There- 
fore but few convictions were obtained. 
Still, the sherifts and constables were 

19 



obliged to take notice of all violations 
occurring before their eyes, and bring 
the oflfenders into court. This produced 
great excitement, and of course made it 
a political question. The party in pow- 
er made the law, and was therefore re- 
sponsible for it. In the campaign of 
1839 this was the great and sole issue. 
The National Republicans, as then called, 
later Whigs, were in power, and had 
been for quite a number of years. Ed- 
ward Everett was governor and hon- 
ored the office as an eminent citizen and 
statesman, whose services in this state 
and nation in later and more troub- 
lous times, were of great importance 
to the welfare of the country and placed 
him in the forefront of the great men 
of his native land. 

He had in previous elections been elect- 
ed by large majorities, and he was a 
candidate for re-election. The Demo- 
crats, having been long in the minority 
in the state, had not been able to elect 
a governor. They were made up as an 
organization of the common people, the 
iarmers, the working-people of all 
classes, the stage drivers and tavern- 
keepers, all pretty free thinkers and lib- 
eral in their opinions. They were ot 
course averse to any legislation which 
infringed on what they considered to be 
their rights. So they were against the 
liquor laws, as the party has in later 
times been, more or less. The enforce- 
ment of these obnoxious laws brought 
to their aid, as against the paity in 
power, many of their opponents, who 
did not want to be deprived of the 
privilege of getting their drink as had 
been the case previous to this legisla- 
tion ; so that the opposition appeared 
formidable, and the Democrats took 
courage and made their nomination for 



governor with sorue show of success. 
Their nominee was Marcus Morton of 
Taunton, who for fourteen years con- 
secutively had headed their ticket, but 
every year failed of an election by a 
larfje adverse vote. He was a well 
known citizen of high standing, charac- 
ter and ability. He was a judge of the 
supreme court and had served in both 
branches of the legislature at various 
times. Therefore, there was no question 
raised as to his ability to suitably fill 
the office of governor. 

The canvass was very exciting and I 
well remember the efforts put forth by 
stage drivers and teamsters on the 
road, throwing plent\' of campaign ma- 
terial broadcast and attaching to their 
teams large placards — in fact, they were 
in earnest and determined to reclaim 
their lost right of the purchase of 
drinks without hindrance from any 
source. This was the prevalent feeling 
and expression, and the result of their 
efforts gave them the victory but by a 
very narrow margin. It was so close 
that some two or three weeks was re- 
quired to determine who was elected. 
It must be understood that election re- 
turns did not get in as soon then as 
now. But the dela\' in. this case arose 
from the fact, as it appeared in the re- 
turns, that Judge Morton had suc- 
ceeded by a majority of one vote over 
all his competitors, as the law at that 
time required. No one could be elected 
to any office whatever in this state un- 
less he received one more vote than all 
others receiving votes added together 
in one sum; so that a clear majority 
was needed to effect an election. 

The candidate for lieutenant-governor 
on Judge Morton's ticket failed of an 
election, his opponent being elected at 

21 



the polls. This result produced great 
excitement and rejoicings on the part 
of the victors. They had for the first 
time, after many years of defeat, elect- 
ed a governor. Therefore, as might be 
expected, they vv^ent wild over their 
success. They also secured a majority 
in the legislature sufficient to repeal the 
obnoxious law. Thus the fifteen gallon 
act was killed. While this law^ was in 
force many ways were adopted to get 
around it and supply the ardent in 
smaller quantities than the law permit- 
ted. One which was published every- 
where in the country and caused con- 
siderable merriment was known as the 
"striped pig." 

It first appeared at a militia muster 
in Dedham in the fall of 1839. A large 
tent was set up on the ground, display- 
ing a good-sized pig on canvas, covered 
over with stripes, represented as a ver- 
itable striped pig. To be admitted to 
view this wonderful curiosit}^ cost six 
cents. This small charge brought a large 
patronage and many went in to see the 
show. This was related to me at the 
time by a man in my town who went 
there and went in with the multitude. 

This animal was a good-sized pig, 
covered with stripes, and as an accom- 
paniment — and as another part of the 
entertainment — was a free counter with 
plenty of liquor of various kinds, most- 
ly New England rum, for the thirsty, 
so that as often as one was dry he need 
only pay the admittance fee to quench 
his thirst. How long the\' were able to 
carry on this business that day I am 
not able to state, but I am not aware 
of any other similar performance any- 
where else. This produced much talk 
and was published in the papers with 
a picture of the tent as it appeared on 



this occasion. This circumstance being 
so largely published, did much to bring 
the liquor laws into contempt. The 
temperance people were not discouraged 
over these failures, but continued the 
agitation, and through it created a 
public sentiment more favorable to the 
restriction of the sale of intoxicating 
liquors. As we all realize now, the sale 
of spirituous liquors is held in strong 
restraint, with public sentiment strong- 
ly supporting it. 



23 



CHAPTER III. 

THE CAMPAIGN OF 18-40. 

I remember very distinctly the cam 
paign of '40. Anybody living at that 
time and old enough to remember any- 
thing vsrill recall it. This vs^as a most 
remarkable contest. Never since has 
anything of the like occurred. It com- 
menced in the month of December, 1839. 
The Whigs held their convention at Har- 
risburg, Pa., and nominated William H. 
Hai rison of Ohio and John Tyler of 
Virginia. The Democrats met in con- 
vention at Baltimore in the spring of 
'40 and nominated Mr. Van Buren to 
be his successor. In April the campaign 
opened, and it continued with great 
energy and determination on the part 
of the Whigs up to the election, which 
at this time did not occur as now on 
one day, but at various dates from Sep- 
tember to November. To give a full de- 
scription of this campaign, as remem- 
bered by rae, and the methods used to 
bring about success, would take more 
space than the importance of the matter 
will allow, but certainly it was very re- 
markable and unlike any before or since 
within my knowledge. The printing 
presses must have been very busy dur- 
ing the winter succeeding the convention, 
as the amount of campaign literature 
put out everywhere in the early spring 
was immense. Great placards with their 
candidates' pictures on the same, and 
headed in large type, "Tippecanoe and 
Tyler, too," were conspicuously exhibit- 
ed. General Harrison was a soldier in 



the war of 1812 and also in the Indian 
wars. He th'^refore received the above 
appellation as the hero ot some ot these 
fights. Great j^how cards having carica- 
tures of Mr. Van Burcn printed thereon, 
headed "Little Mattie," as he was 
called, were sent out through the coun- 
trj' and posted up in public places on 
farmers' barns, on the highways and in 
taverns. 

My father had occasion, in the fall of 
this year, to take a journey into New 
Hampshire to his birthplace, to visit his 
father, then living, and took me along 
with him. All along the road and in 
the villages everywhere this boom of 
electioneering was the order of the day. 
The people did not appear to have anj'- 
thing else to do, and it was kept up 
late into the night, as we found in the 
taverns where we stopped for the night. 
It was a continual discussion of politics 
everywhere. 

One of the most important adjuncts 
in this remarkable campaign was a ver- 
itable log cabin, built as near as possi- 
ble as a fac-simile of the one some time 
before occupied by their candidate on 
the banks of the Ohio river. Man}' of 
the less informed believed he then lived 
in such a home. This building was usu- 
ally about fifteen to twenty feet long by 
about eight to ten feet wide, well and 
strongly put together, with flags and 
banners flying from all its points. In 
addition to this, on the outside as well 
as within, there was located a. hard 
cider barrel, said to be filled with cider, 
free to all who came; also plenty of re- 
freshments of all kinds were provided. 
The building was placed on wheels, to 
be taken wherever desired, drawn by 
oxen in the country and by horses in 
cities. It was a frequent occurrence in 



my native village to observe one of these 
cabins going along, drawn by long 
strings of oxen or horses, filled with 
men and boys singing campaign songs. 
Some one of the number would stand on 
the platform on the outside near the 
cider barrel, making loud speeches and 
shouting to the gathered crowd. This 
was kept up throughout the day and 
into the night. There were nailed on 
the outside of the cabin one or more 
coon skins to assist the honest people 
in making up their minds on the great 
questions of bank, finance and other 
affairs of government ; that they might 
realize the humijle origin of their candi- 
date, who was said to be a good hunt- 
er of these animals. 

Among the large amount of campaign 
literature carried for distribution was a 
statement of one Ogle of Pennsylvania, 
circulated and published by the Whig 
press throughout the countr\% represent- 
ing Van Buren as an aristocrat, seated 
in the White House, surrounded by his 
special friends and su])])orters, whose 
table was provided with roast beef and 
other substantial luxuries, using gold- 
lined table ware brought from England, 
including gold spoons and other costly 
fixings, all of the most regal kind and 
style, and all at the cost of the tax- 
payers. But this whole statement was 
such a bare-faced falsehood that leading 
Whig congressmen, to save the honor 
and credit of the government, came out 
in the press of the country, over their 
own signatures, refuting the whole state- 
ment as untrue in everj' particular. 
This was honorable in them ; but the 
statement got into all the Whig papers 
and into the homes of the humble, and, 
no doubt, was believed and had the 
effect intended by its author. 



The wives and daughters of Whigs 
took much interest in the fight, although 
women's rights, as a political factor, 
was quite unknown at this time. They 
joined in with their husbands and broth- 
ers to work for "Tippecanoe and Tyler, 
too," and to exhibit their interest, wore 
on their persons camjiaign medals of 
the various kinds and descriptions worn 
by the men. Some of these were costly 
and were sus] ended by neck chains or 
attached to watch chains, or pinned on 
their apparel, as is done at the present 
6a.y. Another article much worn was 
an apron with a good imitation of the 
form of a coon skin worked upon it by 
needle. Many of these aprons, bearing 
the imprint of a coon skin, were kept 
for sale at the stores everywhere. Many 
of them were well and neatly gotten 
up, and they were conspicuous on all 
public occasions and at all social gath- 
erings of Whigs. 

The public charges brought against 
Mr. Van Buren were many, and some 
of them were of a serious and degraded 
nature, and were met by the Demo- 
cratic party. But the part}', being 
in power, was of course on the de- 
fensive, and used all their means to 
meet the fierce onslaught of their opjio- 
nents. Among the statements of the 
Whigs that had much effect on the 
working men was the prevailing hard 
times. This, they charged, was owing 
to the conduct of the administration, 
the refusal to re-charter the bank and 
extravagcnce in every dc])artnicnt of 
government. To elect Van Buren, they 
said, was to continue this state of 
things. But if they would elect Harri- 
son, a change would be brought about. 
The bank would be re-established, ex- 
travagance in expenses cut ofi", the tax- 



payer relieved, business would start 
and prosper, and the honest laboiiiig 
man would receive advanced pay, "two 
dollars per day, and roast beef." This 
was heard from every stump and in all 
the Whig papers and was placarded 
everywhere. 

The Democratic party was well or- 
ganized and compact, but it was im- 
possible, as against the attacks of their 
opponents, to keep all their men in line. 

The Whig candidate for vice president, 
John Tyler, an old Virginia Democrat, 
w^ho rebelled against the Jackson and 
"Van Buren regime and joined the Whigs, 
was an able, astute politician and had 
had large experience in government as 
congressman. His defection brought 
over to the Whigs many disgruntled 
Democrats and exerted great influence 
against the party in power. But the 
Whigs were soon to realize that his 
nomination was an unfortunate one for 
them. Both parties put forth their 
ablest men on the stump and in almost 
every village in the land some of them 
were heard. Everything possible v^^as 
done by both parties to carry the elec- 
tion, which, as I have said before, was 
the most exciting and well-contested 
ever fought in this countrv 



28 



CHAPTER IV. 

HENRY WILSON. — PRESIDENT TYLER'S VIS- 
IT TO nOSTON. — THE WASHINGTON 
TEMPER.\NCE REFORMATION. 

1 was then in my 15th 3'ear, and of 
course, like every other j'oung man of 
my age or older, could not avoid be- 
coming greath' interested through the 
peculiar state of the country and the 
great excitement ^irevailing, so that this 
remarkable cam]iaign is well remem- 
bered by me in all its particulars. 
Among the eminent Whigs who were 
on the stump were Daniel Webster, 
Henry Clay, Kufus Clioate and ex-Gov. 
Levi Lincoln in this state I heard none 
of these men in this campaign, but did 
in later ones. Tliere was one man who 
made his appearance in this canijiaign 
worthy of special mention, who later 
on reached the senate, as senator from 
Massachusetts, and the vice presidency 
in General Grant's administration, dying 
while in that office. This was Henry 
Wilson, coming fiom Natick in this 
state, although born in Xew Hampshire. 

He was known as the "Natick Cob- 
bler," being a shoe worker in that town 
and going from the bench on to the 
stump in behalf of the working men, 
as one of them. He spoke in all parts 
of the country with great success and 
secured a rei)utation as an effective 
stump speaker. He claimed the hard 
times were the effect of the Democratic 
policy of free trade. His theme was 
protection to American workmen, and 
he presented it very effectually. He 



came to my town, but I do not remem- 
ber hearing^ him then. Later on I had 
the pleasure of his personal acquaint- 
ance. He came from a very humble po- 
sition, working on a shoemaker's bench, 
and at this time dependent on his daily 
earnings for a living. He had found 
time for reading and study early and 
late, and the reading of newspapers, 
periodicals and history enabled him, 
through his good memory, to acquire a 
large amount of knowledge concerning 
politics and general affairs. He tried 
to carry on a manufactory of shoes 
but failed. His mind, no doubt, was 
more in politics than in his factory. 
He established a daily newspaper in 
Boston, known as the Commonwealth, 
an anti-slavery organ, assisted bj^ his 
wealthy anti-slavery friends, known as 
"Conscience" Whigs. He was a poor 
man thrntighont his life, needing aid 
and receiving it from his admirers. A 
self-made man of great energy and per- 
severance, an indomitable will, fighting 
for the right, as he saw it, to the end. 
His whole life goes to show 3'oung men 
what can be accomplished by industry, 
self-denial and honesty. 

The result of the campaign was the 
overwhelming defeat of Mr. Van Buren 
and his party. The rejoicings of the 
victorious Whigs knew no bounds, and 
they celebrated the event by great gath- 
erings all over the country. Banquets 
w^ere the order of the day. I remember 
they held one in my town and Henry 
Wilson was present. Tn their spreo1i"« 
at these gatherings they proclaimed that 
the great foe of American industry', the 
Democratic party, was dead and beyond 
resurrection, and the country was saved, 
but thev little apprehended what the 
future had in store for them. President 

30 



Harrison died suddenly at the end of 
his first month in office, much to the 
grief of all the people, as he was held 
in high respect as an honest, upright 
man, though not of large ability. He 
was the first president to die in office, 
and his death was more seriously felt 
by the patiiotic masses. 

Mr. Tyler, the vice president, became 
president, much to the dstrust and fear 
of many of the party who elected him. 
It was not long before his course was 
made apparent to the country. Con- 
gress, in a sjjccial session called for the 
purpose of immediately carrying into 
efTcct the objects of the victory so sweep- 
ingly carrieil, at once passed a bill re- 
chartering the bank and sent it to the 
president for his signature. But, as it 
appeared, Mr. Tyler was not read^' to 
sign the bill. His old prejudice, as a 
Democrat, against such institutions re- 
vived and would not allow him to give 
life to another institution of the same 
kind ; so he vetoed the bill. 

This created a storm of indignation 
from the bank party. They were furi- 
ous, and Mr. Clay, the chief promoter, 
took up the cudgel in the senate against 
the president, and declared war against 
him. Mr. Clay was sustained by the 
party generally, but the president was 
not to be moved from his position. All 
else in the party i)latform was of small 
importance as compared with this; the 
darling object of the great fight in 
which they had expended large sums of 
money was about to be lost to them. 
Of course the favored wealthy monop- 
olists were wroth, and their anger knew 
no bounds. The great victorious party 
throughout the country was dismayed 
and much disturbed over the situation. 
The office-holders and those who ex- 



pected office in the new administration 
kept quiet and in the end were the chief 
Whi^ supporters of the president. But 
Mr. Tyler stood firm and no bank was 
chartered. 

The Whig party mostly followed Clay 
in opposition to the president. There- 
fore the great Whig party found itself 
in opposition to its own elected presi- 
dent, and through this became some- 
what demoralized for a time, but later 
on recovered sufficiently to make a good 
fight in '44. But all was not lost to 
them. Congress passed a tariff bill, 
known as the "Tariff Bill of '42," 
which was approved by the president. 
This measure increased the revenue and 
gave special protection to many indus- 
tries ; which gave great satisfaction to 
manufacturing interests. This did much 
to cjuiet the opposition to Mr. Tyler, 
and in the end brought the party to- 
gether for the next campaign. Still, the 
feeling against the president was strong 
and bitter among the masses of the 
Whig party. 

Air. Webster was secretary of state in 
Tyler's cabinet, and continued for some 
time after this break in the party, as 
he said at the time he desired to com- 
plete the settlement of the Northeast 
boundary' question which was then 
pending and creating much friction be- 
tween this country and England. This 
he accomplished through the Ashburton 
treaty, which was of great importance 
to the country and brought great re- 
nown to him, for which the countrN' did 
him honor. The administration came in 
for considerable praise for its success in 
this important matter. The president's 
cabinet had been much changed since 
its beginning, and men who upheld Mr. 
Tvler were ifound there, when, in 1843, 



Mr. Webster resigned, and a man of 
verA' different views on most political 
questions took his place. 

This was John C. Calhoun, well 
known to every intelligent man in the 
country. He was very unlike Mr. Web- 
ster in everything, hut he better repre- 
sented the Tyler administration, which 
had begun to lean towards the Demo- 
cratic party for support, Mr. Tyler 
hoping to unite that party in his favor 
for the purpose of a re-nomination. But 
this did not come al)Out, the Democrats 
not being ready to surrender to Tyler. 

One important measure was l^rought 
forward during the last year of his ad- 
ministration That was the annexation 
of Texas, which was begun and well 
nigh accomplished before the end of 
Mr. Tyler's term. The succeeding ad- 
ministration took it up and completed 
it. 

In 1843 the president and his cabinet 
came to Boston througli the invitation 
of the Bunker Hill Monument associa- 
tion to attend the celebration of the 
completion of the monument on the 
17th of June. It was a great event, 
and the monument as it stands toda^' 
is a reminder to those now living who 
were present on that day to see the 
president and hear Webster. The weath- 
er, up to nine o'clock of that morning, 
was very unfavorable. An easterly rain 
storm had prevailed for the two days 
previous and continued during the night 
preceding this day up to the time men- 
tioned above, when all at once the 
storm moved away and it became clear 
and warm through the entire day, bring- 
ing much relief to thousands present 
and making the occasion a great suc- 
cess. 

The president was well received by 



the state and cit}^ authorities as all 
other presidents who have come to 
Massachusetts, notwithstanding the bit- 
ter feeling existing against hira within 
the state. His reception was most gra- 
cious and generous 

Mr. Webster was the orator, and of 
course met the occasion w^ith one of his 
best efforts. It was my privilege to be 
there, but I failed, on account of the 
great crowd, to get near enough to 
hear him. But I saw him as he passed 
along in a carriage to the monument, 
and also had a good view of the presi- 
dent near the State House on Beacon 
street. He was a dignified, scholarly- 
looking man, rather slender in build, of 
medium height, sharp countenance, with 
a large nose which did not add to his 
good looks. His whole personal ap- 
pearance indicated a strong and astute 
statesman. The members of his cabi- 
net present I have forgotten, though I 
must have seen them with the rest. 

The year of 18-i2 records the begin- 
ning of that great temperance revival, 
known as the Washingtonion Temper- 
ance reformation, which spread all over 
the country to every city and town of 
any size — a most remarkable and won- 
derlul reform movement — nothing of its 
kind ever before or since has swept 
over this country in like volume of in- 
tensity of purpose, equalling this period 
of temperance reform. Starting out and 
basing its action on the principle of 
moraJ suasion, instead of legal restric- 
tion, seeking to raise up a higher moral 
standard upon which it could work out 
and bring to every home in the land 
the need of reformation in society, as it 
then existed, in the free use of intoxi- 
cating drinks, with no apparent moral 
or legal restriction. 



The real condition of the community 
was downward and drunkenness was 
on the increase. Laws had been enact- 
ed to restrict the sale of liquor, but 
were unequal to the task, lackino^ moral 
support. Society seemed indifferent to 
the real situation and the drift of pub- 
lic sentiment appeared to be ae;ainst en- 
forcement of the laws. Juries, unless 
upon the most positive evidence, would 
not convict, so that the violator of the 
law cared little for its terrors, and the 
unrestricted sale o< intoxicating drinks 
w^ent on everywhere, notwithstanding 
the efforts of good temperance people 
to check its sale. 

This was the general situation of the 
community at this time, if my memory 
is correct, although only in my teens, 
and the later vigorous action of reform- 
ers of recognized character and ability 
to put a stop to the existing evils, and 
the subsequent results of their efforts, 
made such an impression on my mind 
that it has not been forgotten. 

The time for action had come, the 
newspapers had already' published the 
fact of the meetings in some of the 
large cities of the country, held to con- 
sider the matter of how the great evil 
could be arrested. The result was the 
formation of that great organization, 
as before stated, "The Washingtonian 
Temperance Society," grounded in love 
and charity, to the taking up of the 
fallen and despised, reaching their bet- 
ter self, as it was declared, that there 
was no person, however low down and 
degraded, but what had a sympathetic 
spot somewhere in himself. This was 
the platform they formulated and upon 
which they did their work, and it was 
so effectively carried forward that it 
reached the farthest boundarv of the 



land, producingf the greatest social ref- 
ormation of the centurj'. These socie- 
ties were organized not only in all 
large cities and towns, but in the rural 
districts, reaching almost every hamlet. 
These good people did not hesitate to 
go down into the byways, the slums 
and gutters, to bring forth the degrad- 
ed victims of intoxication. They did 
not pass over on the other side, but 
went straight for them to help them 
up, to show them in their degradation 
they had friends yet left who could 
speak to them and offer encouragement 
and hope in their extremity and show 
them a better side in life. This was the 
work done, as carried on by men and 
women in all stations of life, and 
through their faithful kindly spirit thou- 
sands were brought up, rescued and 
saved, and many of these were men of 
education and ability, who had seen 
better days, but had fallen, and a con- 
siderable number of them were able to 
go on to the platform to relate their 
sad experiences and show bj' their per- 
sonal appearance what a terrible condi- 
tion a strong man may fall into through 
indulgence in strong drink. 

A large number of these men traveled 
over the country speaking to the peo- 
ple ever}^ where. I do not remember the 
names of many whom I had the oppor- 
tunity to hear, but will recall a few 
who spoke at meetings where I was 
present — Hawkins, Mitchell, VanWag- 
ner and John B. Gough, and others of 
less rej)ute. These men I heard a num- 
ber of times and they were effective 
speakers, especially Gough, who was 
well known everywhere as an eloquent 
and effective platform lecturer and 
speaker. These men were all reformed 
and brought to better living through 



this movement, and thereafter were able 
to do a vast amount of good to their 
fellow men and to die respected and 
honored by the public ; but some who 
were prominent as ])ublic speakers in 
the end failed to keep their pledge and 
fell to go down to drunkards' graves, 
but out of the rank and file of those 
signing the pledge, within my personal 
knowledge, who I knew in their after 
lives, a majority ke])t their pledge and 
remained to the end true as temperance 
men, and I fully believe this to have 
been the resiilt evervwhere this reform 
reached. Of the very large number 
signing the pledge throughout the coun- 
try, as it was said at the time, thou- 
sands were saved and made better men 
and citizens and carried joy to many a 
home, and its influence was felt more 
or less in the community in the direc- 
tion of better legislation and more ear- 
nest and vigorous enforcement of re- 
strictive laws relating to the sale of 
spirituous liquors; in fact it turned the 
tide in favor of temperance as against 
the era of free sale and indulgence in 
intoxicating drinks. 

In this connection it may be well to 
refer to the character of and the mode 
of conducting the meetings held. They 
were somewhat peculiar and of the 
emotional sort after the manner of an 
old fashion Methodist camp meeting, 
open to all whom the spirit moved to 
speak and relate their experience; the 
singing was of the most spirited kind ; 
printed slips containing the songs to be 
sung were distributed liberally, so that 
everyone with any music in him or her 
could join in the song. This was very 
effective and the large audiences — they 
always had crowded meetings — were 
carried to the highest pitch of euthusi- 

37 



asm. It was not an infrequent thing 
to observe tears rolling down the cheeks 
of stalwart men who, perhaps for the 
first time in their manhood lives, ever 
dropped a tear on any account. This I 
saw at meetings which I attended and, 
in the reports of the great meetings 
held in Boston and other places in the 
daily papers, the same effect was re- 
ported of the great crowds present. 
There is no doubt of the great effect 
wrought upon the minds of those com- 
ing to these meetings through the spon- 
taneous manner of conducting them 
and the ultimate effect it had on many 
a man who could not be otherwise 
reached. The success of this great 
awaking was due very much to this par- 
ticular method, and to the broad plat- 
form adopted and the sympathetic work 
of thousands of Christian men and 
women. This w^ork continued for some 
time and only changed to other and 
less exciting methods through a num- 
ber of vears. 



38 



CHAPTER V. 

CLAY AND POLK. — PRESIDENT POLK's 
VISIT TO BOSTON. 

The year 1S44 was the great cam- 
paign known as the " Clay and Polk " 
contest. The Whigs were not discour- 
aged and rallied in convention at Bal- 
timore in full strength and vigor and 
nominated Henry Clay, the idol of the 
party, whom they knew could be trust- 
ed. They went into the campaign with 
a determination to win. The Demo- 
crats, as an organization, were solid 
and compact throughout the country 
and met in convention at Baltimore, 
confident of success. Mr. Van Buren 
and his friends expected he would re- 
ceive the nomination, and he secured a 
majority of the votes on the first bal- 
lot, but owing to a rule adopted by 
this convention, it required two thirds 
of the whole number of delegates to 
nominate a candidate. This he failed 
to get, and as a compromise James K. 
Polk gained the required number and 
was nominated, A'ery much to the dis- 
appointment of Mr. Van Buren and his 
friends. But they accepted the result 
and went into the contest for victory. 

Pennsylvania, being a strong Demo- 
cratic state, was accorded the vice 
president, in the ])crson of George M. 
Dallas, an eminent citizen of that state, 
who added much to the strength of the 
ticket. It was in this campaign that 
the anti-slavery jiarty made its appear- 
ance with a candidate, James G. Birney, 
a weW known an<l res|)ectable citizen of 
Ohio. His vole was small and had lit- 



tie eflfect on the result in any of the 
states except in New York. 

The campaign began in earnest imme- 
diately after the nominations were 
made and was contested everywhei'e 
with great energy, each party feeling 
confident of success. Mr. Clay travelled 
over the country, gained much atten- 
tion from his friends and made many 
speeches. 

The platform of the Whig party was 
short. The bank question did not enter 
into the discussion as much as the 
question of tariff, as the Democrats 
made this a prominent issue. Texan 
annexation was also prominent, the 
Whigs as a party opposing it, while the 
Democras favored it. The tariff, Texan 
annexation and the Oregon line contro- 
versy were the main issues involved. 

Ex-President Jackson was then living 
at his home in Tennessee, very feeble, 
but able to take considerable interest 
in the campaign. Mr. Polk, coming 
from his state, was very satisfactorv 
to him. He had known him in congress 
as speaker of the house during his last 
term in office, as a strong supporter of 
his administration, and his endorse- 
ment of Mr. Polk went a great wa^' in 
strengthening the confidence of the, 
party in their candidate and did much 
to enthuse them in support of the ticket. 

Besides the tariff and the Texas an- 
nexation issue, the Oregon line question 
assumed much importance. The then 
territorial government claimed their' 
northern line as at 54 degrees 40 min-' 
utes north latitude, but the British 
government claimed a much lower 
line, and the contention became sharp 
and irritating, causing much excitement 
and feeling against Great Britain. The 
Whies were ready to compromise, but 

40 



Orejroii would not consent and made a 
political question of it, which came into 
this campaign. The Democrats main- 
tained the claim of Orejjon, and every- 
where, on the stump and in the press, 
declared for 54:40, or fijjht. This was 
used with much eftect and aided them 
greatly in the cotitest. 

Jackson had been well known over 
the country as "Old Hickory." Polk 
comino; from the same state, was pro- 
claimed "Young Hickory," and the 
battle cry on all banners and election 
paraphernalia was "Young Hickory, 
Dallas and Victory." 

Among the young men who appeared 
upon the Democratic platform in this 
state in this campaign were N. P. 
Banks, George S. Bout well, Benjamin 
F. Butler, who later became governors, 
senators and representatives in congress, 
obtaining high positions as statesmen 
and soldiers. These men it was my 
good fortune to meet in party conven- 
tions subsequently, and to a]>preciate 
them as earnest and able men whose 
ability and power did much to help 
this grand old Commonwealth. Of these, 
Mr. Boutwell is still living One other 
very able man was on the stiunp at 
this time, Robert Kantoul, Jr., of Bev- 
erly, one of the ablest men then before 
the people, who was subsequently in 
congress as representative and senator 
from this state. He made the tariff his 
special subject for discussion, and I was 
present at one of his meetings. He was 
a strong, clear sjieaker, who understood 
the tariff question in all its bearings. 
At this meeting he produced rolls of 
cloth made of wool, unfolding them be- 
fore the audience, showing the various 
classes of cloth made into clothing, the 
kinds and grades of wool used, and the 



effect of the tarifif on the cost of the 
same, showing the mistake of taxing 
the raw materials used in the manu- 
facture of the same. If my memory is 
correct, he made out a pretty good 
case. He was well known as a cham- 
pion of sound money and free trade, a 
Democrat of the Jackson stamp and a 
good lawyer of national reputation. 

There were other men in this state of 
national prominence in this campaign, 
but I cannot take space here to n\,en- 
tion them. The result of the campaign 
was the triumph of Mr. Polk and his 
party. It was a severe disappointment 
to the Whigs, as they were sunguine of 
success, and defeat was a sore surprise. 

I took considerable interest in this 
campaign, being an ardent Democrat 
of the Jackson school, and attended 
many gatherings. I was also a mem- 
ber of a "Hickory" club, as the clubs 
were called. I remember pretty well this 
campaign and the administration of 
Mr. Polk and what it accomplished. 

During his administration the presi- 
dent made a tour through New England 
and the East. I think this was in 1846 
or 1847, but I am not certain about it. 
I went to Boston to see him. Mr. Bu- 
chanan, his secretary of state, and Wil- 
liam L. Marcy, secretary of war, were 
with him, I remember. Their reception 
was of the most elaborate character. 
The governor, George N. Briggs, and 
staff, and a large number of state dig- 
nitaries, mayor of Boston and the 
United States officials located in Bos- 
ton, with the state militia, met the 
president at the foot of the Common on 
Beacon street. The train on which he 
came was stopped at the Brookline 
crossing on the Boston and Worcester 
(now Boston and Albany) railroad. The 



Boston Lancers went out to escort him 
and his part}' to the city, coming in 
over the mill dam, as it was then called, 
later Western avenue, and now Beacon 
street. The Public Garden was not then 
in existence. The very extensive marshes 
extended from Charles street at the foot 
of the Common to Brookline and Rox- 
bury, and easterly to South Boston, 
leaving an almost unobstructed view^ 
of that part of the city. About half 
w^ay from the foot of the Common over 
the mill dam road were the tide water 
mills for grinding grain and buildings 
for the storage and sale of it. Few 
other buildings were to be seen. Out 
of the city on the roads leading to 
Dorchester and Roxbury, or to the 
Brighton line, no im|)rovement had been 
begvm at this date, and often at high 
tide this territory, which was marshy, 
was submerged. This was the appear- 
ance of this part of Boston at this 
time. I rememlier I stood on what w^as 
then a plank sidewalk built up a few 
feet from the marsh below, connecting 
with Charles street, and there awaited 
the coming of the exjiected guests. 
While there, although the sun had been 
shining brightly, a cloud passed over 
which dropped a slight shower of rain, 
but passed along without doing any 
more damage than slightly wetting the 
crowd. This w^as the only disagreeable 
feature. 

When the president's carriage came 
along side the governor's carriage, the 
president stood up, so we had a good 
view of him. Dignified, above medium 
stature, stooping somewhat, dressed in 
black with a plain silk neck stock of 
the pattern then universally worn by 
men of his age, with gray hair and an 
ordinar}' silk tile of the then pattern — 



his general appearance indicated conser- 
vatism, ability and firmness — a strong 
man who made a favorable impression 
everywhere. 

Mr. Buchanan, secretary' of state, par- 
ticularly attracted attention. A fine- 
looking, stalwart man, clean shaven, 
wearing a white neck-tie and a shining 
silk hat — his whole appearance indicated 
great care of dress. His large build, 
erect and upwards of six feet tall, drew 
upon him special attention. 

The reception was all that could be 
desired. Massachusetts and the citA' of 
Boston have never failed to do the gen- 
erous thing whenever a chief magitsrate 
has come within the state. The next 
day the president was taken to Cam- 
bridge, to Harvard college, as his pre- 
decessors had been, and received a sub- 
stantial greeting. It is said the presi- 
dent was much pleased with the recep- 
tion and took occasion to express his 
appreciation of it. 

At the end of his term he retired to 
his home in Tennessee and died soon 
after, to the great regret of the country. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE COCHITCATE WATER WORKS — BE- 
GUN IN AUGUST, 184(5. — FINISHED IN 
OCTOBER, 1848. 

The year of 1848 brought to the city 
of Boston an event of immense impor- 
tance and of very great benefit to all its 
inhabitants — the successful introduction 
of water. 

This great public improvement at- 
tracted the attention of people far and 
wide. Few of the large cities of the 
country had, at this time, entered upon 
construction of municipal water sys- 
tems — no other local government in 
New England had attempted a work of 
such magnitude — or even considered it — 
and to project an undertaking requir- 
ing such an immense expenditure of 
money was to many intelligent minds 
of doubtful utility and wisdom, and it 
took Boston more than twenty years 
after its first suggestion b_v Mayor 
Quincy "the first," to put into opera- 
tion and make it an accomplished fact, 
and this, through much opposition from 
conservative taxpayers, who from fear 
of increased taxation are generally 
found opposing any municipal scheme 
that suggests possible advancement and 
benefit to public interest, where the out- 
lay of money is a factor. This we may 
remember was the case in Fitchburg (be- 
fore it became a city) when it was pro- 
posed to introduce a water system at 
the expense of the town — that it met 
great opposition from its conservative 
men, and required a number of town 
meetings to successfully carry the pro- 



ject, which experience has proven be- 
yond a question to be the greatest im- 
provement ever undertaken for benefit 
and relief of its people. 

Boston had the same experience, meet- 
ing the same opposition from its tim- 
orous taxpayers and short-sighted citi- 
zens. Through the long period of two 
decades it was discussed and voted on, 
to be defeated when referred to the 
people, but the far-sighted intelligence 
of a few of Boston's great men pre- 
vailed, and at a second reference to the 
people it was carried and the work 
finally begun in 1846. 

The estimate of its cost was three 
millions of dollars, but up to its com- 
pletion in 1848, the expenditure had 
only reached about one-half of this sum. 
The doubt in the minds of capitalists 
showed itself in the hesitation exhibit- 
ed in purchasing the bonds issued by the 
city to secure money. The lack of con- 
fidence in its success operated much 
against the prompt receipt of the nec- 
essary means. 

Money was not so plenty in those 
days as now, seeking investment. The 
country was not so rich and the accu- 
mulations of savings banks were very 
insignificant, as compared with the 
present time, and the number of these 
banks and other institutions for the sav- 
ings of the common people were com- 
paratively few, with no more money 
than could be invested at the home of 
the bank. 

The commissioners having charge of 
this great enterprise were obliged to 
advertise not only in this country, but 
in Europe, the bonds of the city of 
Boston for this purpose — at a rate of 
interest greater than now paid on any 
of the city's securities. 



This delayed the commencement of the 
work, but in August of 1846 the ground 
was broken at Long Pond in the town 
of Natick, where the right to take the 
water had been secured. The beginning- 
of the work was celebrated at the 
starting place in the northern pjirt of 
the town, now known as Cochituate. 
This name was given this place and to 
the pond, at this opening, and it has ever 
since been known as Cochituate Lake, 
(the original Indian name). It was a 
pleasant day; the company officially 
consisted of the nia3'or, city govern- 
ment, commissioners and invited guests, 
including a band of music, going by 
special train from Boston, a distance of 
about fifteen miles. Among the guests 
was the venerable ex-President John 
Quincy Adams, also the venerable Josiah 
Quincy, second mayor of Boston, father 
of Mayor Josiah Ouincy, Jr., who pre- 
sided on this occasion, and great-grand- 
father of Josiah Quincv, Jr., mayor for 
the past four 3'ears. Among other prom- 
inent citizens of Boston, as one of the 
commissioners, was Nathan Hale, who 
may be remembered by some of otir 
older citizens as one of Boston's leading 
men in every enter])rise intended for the 
upbuilding of the city and for the bene- 
fit of its inhabitants. It may be well 
to say that he was long the editor and 
proprietor of that old time standard 
newspaper, the Boston Advertiser. 

As a part of the exercises of this day, 
as reported at the time, was the re- 
moval of the first spade of earth by the 
mayor, using a silver spade made for 
the occasion. When the mayor had 
taken up the spadeful he passed the 
spade to ex-President Adams, who first 
removed his coat, then threw a number 
of spadefuls, then the spade was passed 

47 



to the elder ex-Mayor Josiah Quiticy, 
who, twent}- years before, had proposed 
this work and suggested this sheet of 
water. He also removed his coat and 
it was said exerted considerable vigor 
in using the spade. 

I remember this occasion very well, 
although not present, but living only a 
few miles distant from this place, as it 
was fully reported in all of the papers 
of the time in every detail. The whole 
neighborhood took great interest in it, 
the greatest project ever attempted and 
begun in this part of the state, and I 
may add that my knowledge of the 
business was somewhat increased by 
the fact that during that fall and the 
earl}'- part of the succeeding winter I 
w^as temporarily located in Natick and 
boarded in the family where the chief 
assistant engineer lodged, who had 
charge of this section of the work. 
This gave me an opportunity to learn 
much of this undertaking and I occa- 
sionally visited the jilace while the work 
was going on. As I never before had 
the chance to view an engineering work 
of such magnitude, it interested me very 
much and is not forgotten. 

The work on the whole line -was car- 
ried along rapidly and successfully and 
water was introduced' into the city in 
two years from the beginning. Upon 
its completion the cit\' got up a great 
public celebration of the event, which 
took place in October of 1848; this 
was one of Boston's great occasions 
and was carried forward on a large 
scale The day was very fine, nature 
certainly smiled on the undertaking, and 
it was a sticcess. The military of the 
city and immediate country were pres- 
ent, also a large number of civic bodies, 
all of any note in the city and from the 



neighborhood outside, also the Mer- 
chants' association and trades, repre- 
senting their occupations, in fact all 
classes of people were represented in 
various associations. The Masons and 
Odd Fellows and different temperance 
societies ; the fire departments were fully 
and elegantly represented, the governor 
and lieutenant governor and state and 
United States officials and city govern- 
ment, all making a long procession ; it? 
length delayed its arrival on the Com- 
mon to witness the letting on the water 
into the frog pond, which was a part 
of the program. It was near sunset 
when the entire procession reached the 
Common. I was a member of one of 
the associations in the line and marched 
the entire route of the procession. Our 
place in the line brought us near the 
pond, giving a good opportunity to see 
the water let in. The sun was just 
going below the horizon when the 
mayor from a stand erected for the city 
officials and invited guests announced 
that the3- were ready to let in the 
water, but owing to the lateness of the 
hour, it was being considered whether 
to perform that part of the program 
and he would leave it to the assembled 
multitude to say whether they would 
remain to see it done. The response 
was one tremendous shout. This set- 
tled the matter, when an engineer pro- 
ceeded to turn the gate. I do not re- 
member how long the water was in 
making its appearance, but when it did 
come, and shot up into the air, the ar- 
tiller3' posted in one part of the Com- 
mon and all the bands present and the 
tremendous shouts of the gathered hosts 
joined in one grand chorus that must 
have been heard a great distance. The 
stream came out of a six or eight inch 

49 



pipe and went up about 60 or 70 feet. 
This large volume of water going up 
such a distance, in falling, produced a 
large quantity of spray, to which the 
last rays of the setting sun shining 
through, gave a most brilliant appear- 
ance and raised the enthusiasm of the 
great multitude to the highest pitch. 
It was a grand spectacle and a grand 
final of this great event and of this 
most successful celebration. 

I remember it well, and I do not re- 
member any similar occasion that gave 
me more pleasure; in fact, everybody 
was delighted over the successful intro- 
duction of pure water, and the problem 
so long discussed was solved. 

This was only the beginning of that 
immense system now in progress of 
construction, costing many millions of 
dollars — the great Metropolitan Water 
System of Boston and its suburban 
neighborhood. 



50 



CHAPTER VII. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1848.— WEBSTER'S SPEECH 
IN WORCESTER. — FILL.MORE'S ADMINIS- 
TRATION. 

The presidential campaign of 1848 
opened with vigor and the Whigs were 
hopeful of success although somewhat 
divided on the slavery issue. But as an 
organization they were united up to the 
beginning of this canvass. Clay and 
Webster were yet before the country as 
probable candidates for the nomination. 
Mr. Webster's friends were quite hope- 
ful of his nomination, but the more 
practical politicians had doubts of his 
availability and looked about for a 
candidate who was less committed on 
the great questions at issue before the 
country. 

General Zachary Taylor, a successful 
general in the Mexican war, whose 
home was in Louisiana, was being men- 
tioned in varions parts of the country 
as one of those military heroes, then as 
now, popular with the people. What 
his views were on the questions of the 
day were unknown, but he was report- 
ed to be a good Whig of long standing. 
This attracted the attention of the 
Whig politicians, and they at once be- 
gan to bring him forward as the Whig 
candidate more available than the well 
known statesmen. Clay and Webster. 

Policy dictated the wisdom of ignor- 
ing these great men lor one less known, 
who possessed military prestige and re- 
nown, without the political knowledge 
necessary for the position of president. 
But the situation demanded a candidate 

51 



■who could command votes from the 
masses regardless of qualifications es- 
sential to the office. With this situa- 
tion before them' the great national 
Whig party assembled in convention in 
Philadelphia, with all the states repre- 
sented. In the beginning of the con- 
vention there was much difference of 
opinion on the questions then agitating 
the country, the slavery question being 
uppermost. It was a most troublesome 
matter, and delegates Irom the North, 
or many of them, were decidedy op- 
posed to the further extension of that 
institution into the territories and 
.would not accept any compromise or 
'any platform which did not state clear- 
ly that doctrine. To this the majority 
did not accede. Therefore the anti- 
slavery delegates left the convention 
and subsequent!}' met together and 
formed a strong protesting body. 

The convention went on and made no 
platform, avoiding, as far as possible, 
anything irritating the South, and 
nominated General Zachary Taylor of 
Louisiana and Millard Fillmore of New 
York. 

i The nomination of General Taylor did 
not meet with the hearty endorsement 
of the Whigs of Massachusetts, but 
was accepted by the party as an or- 
ganization. Many declined to follow 
the party and joined the bolters, who 
appeared to be making much headway 
in their opposition to the ticket. Mr. 
Webster was the choice of the party in 
this state, with the exception of a few 
very prominent men who doubted the 
availabilty of Mr. Webster as a candi- 
date. Abbott Lawrence, a wealthy 
manufacturer and a strong influential 
Whig, took ground against the advisa- 
bility of Webster's nomination and went 



into the convention against him. He 
favored General Taylor on the ground 
of availability as a successful general. 

The great objection against Taylor 
was that it was not known what his 
political opinions ^'cre or how he stood 
on the great questions at issue, but Mr. 
Lawrence assured them that he had 
satisfactory evidence of his position, 
that he was a Whig and had always 
been one, and that his state of Louisi- 
ana endorsed him fully as a Whig. But 
Mr. Webster and his friends felt disap- 
pointed at the result and there is no 
question as to the fact that a large 
majority of Massachusetts and New 
England Whigs were in favor of his 
(Webster's) nomination, as he was then 
recognized as the great statesman of 
the country and leader of the Whig 
party. While Mr. Webster gave in his 
adhesion and supported the ticket, he 
said it was a nomination "not fit to 
be made." 

The campaign 0])ened lively and the 
party in New England and throughout 
the country was practically intact, not- 
withstanding the iact that in the East- 
ern states a large bolting contingent 
was in active ojiposition to the ticket 
and was about eflccting a powerful or- 
ganization to oppose it. Massachusetts 
led in this opposition, E R. Hoar, 
Charles Francis .^dams, Charles Allen, 
Henry Wilson, George F. Hoar, Anson 
Burlingame and others more or less 
prominent in politics in the state were 
ver^' active and determined in their ac- 
tion. These bolters were called "Con- 
science" Whigs, because they could not 
violate their consciences by supporting 
what they op^^osed. Those who ad- 
hered to the regular nomination were 
known as "Cotton" Whigs, represent- 

53 



ing the great manufacturing and com- 
mercial interests of the country which, 
as they believed and proclaimed, were 
lessential to the good of the whole coun- 
jtry rather than a sectional fight over 
the slavery issue, which would damage 
business interests and endanger the 
Union. 

The Democrats met in convention at 
Baltimore and all the states were rep- 
resented. The question of extending 
slavery into the territories was a dis- 
turbing matter, but was finally settled 
by a compromise platform, and General 
Lewis Cass of Michigan was nominated 
for president and General William S. 
Butler of Kentucky for vice president. 
The convention was generally harmoni- 
ous and the ticket nominated gave good 
satisfaction all over the country. The 
party went into the campaign confident 
of victory, although being in power and 
many cjuestions having been acted on 
in a manner not satisfactory to all and 
many having been disappointed through 
failure to secure office, a considerable 
number bolted from it. Among the 
number were ex-President Van Buren 
and his personal fiiends, mostly located 
in New York. They came out openly 
against General Cass and joined with 
the " Conscience " Whigs and Anti-Slav- 
ery Free Soil party, as it was called, 
in convention at Buffalo. 

The free states were more or less rep- 
resented in this convention by a large 
attentiance and much interest and en- 
thusiasm prevailed. The result of this 
gathering was the nominati(jn of Air. 
Van Buren for president and Charles 
Francis Adams lor vice president. This 
combination did not \ ka^^e tlic straight 
anti-slaver\^ men or the Whig contin- 
gent, but it was made and no other 



way was presented by which they could 
better tliemselves. So they all acquiesced 
in the ticket and went into the fight as 
a protest against the slave power, which 
appeared to be getting control of the 
great parties of the country. Not ex- 
pecting to elect the nominees they en- 
tered into the fight with great vigor 
and determination, and in this state 
effected a large diversion from the Whigs 
and also from the Democrats. 

It was well understood at the time 
that Mr. Van Buren was more in the 
fight as against General Cass, who, he 
alleged, prevented his renomination in 
184-4, for which opinion there was evi- 
dently some ground. He accomplished 
his purpose, as his being in the race 

gave Ta3'lor New York and elected him. 
This was the result of the Van Buren 
move, and Van Buren was satisfied, as 
he and his friends went back into the 
Democratic party later. 

The Whigs in this state, led by \h- 
bott Lawrence, were determined to keep 
this state in line for the Whig candi- 
date and went into the fight with a 
will, and, as was known, with ample 
means on hand to make a strong cam- 
paign. All the large cities and towns 
were thoroughly canvassed and organ- 
ized and liberal sums ol money were 
given them to carry on the work. The 
power of wealth, when brought out, 
was amply shown by a thorough and 
systematic organization everywhere. 
None of their opponents could meet 
them in this respect. The great com- 
mercial interests were combined and 
the}' poured out their money like water 
to keep the old Commonwealth in line 
for Taylor and Fillmore. In this effort 
the campaign on the part of the Whigs 
nearly ec|ualkd that of Harrison and 
55 



Tyler, but on a much higher plane. 
They did not descend into the gutters 
or dram shops to make voters, and 
carried on the canvass very earnestly, 
but decently. 

Their campaign clubs were all uni- 
formed, and when out, presented a fine 
appearance. This was the case in all 
parts of the state — at least so far as 
my observation went. I remember being 
in Boston on the night of the great 
torch-light procession of the Whigs (the 
greatest one I ever saw, and I have 
seen many since). I stood on Cornhill 
at the then junction of Washington 
street over two hours viewing this 
splendid pageant, presenting a solid 
front, without a break from curb to 
curb, ever\- one in uniform, not boys, 
but men, composed of the young men 
of Boston, elegantly equipped with 
handsome banners and torches, accom- 
panied by bands marching within sound 
of each other's music. The thousands 
in line were singing campaign songs 
adapted to the music of the bands. 
How many were in line I do not re- 
member, but the number w^as great and 
the affair brilliant. As the old sa^'ing 
is: "Money can make the mare go." 
Abbott Lawrence, chairman of the state 
committee, was present and received a 
marching salute. 

This was followed in a few days by 
another torch light turn-out — this time 
by the Free Soilers or Van Buren men, 
led bj' Henry Wilson as marshal. This 
w^as a fine turn-out elegantly gotten up 
,anl carried through. 1 was on State 
street and saw the procession go 
through there. Red fire, common enough 
now, but new then, aided very much in 
the effect of the whole affair. 

In about a week the Democrats had 



their turn-out and did well, taking into 
consideration the very much less num- 
ber of men to get into line. But the 
office-holders under Polk were quite nu- 
merous and through the money drawn 
from them the party was able to make 
quite a respectable turn-out, but when 
election day came they did not, in this 
state, make so good a showing, the re- 
sult being that they were the third 
party in the fight; but this would not 
have disturbed them had they succeed- 
ed in electing General Cass because they 
would have held on to the offices, which 
at that time was the chief inducement 
in Democratic politics to keep up a 
good fighting organization. 

It was in this campaign that I had 
the first opportunity to hear Daniel 
Webster in the then town of Worcester 
on a very warm night in November 
just before election. Not only was the 
weather extremely warm for the season, 
but it was very hot in politics in that 
town on that night, and had been from 
the beginning of the campaign. Worces- 
ter, up to this campaign, had always 
been a strong Whig town. Democrats 
had no show there. But in the result 
of the canvass the Whigs were badly 
beaten and never after recovered their 
ascendency. 

On this night it came to my atten- 
tion that Mr. Webster was to speak in 
the above place. Thinking it might be 
my only opportunity to hear him I 
went from my then home, a distance of 
about twenty-five miles, and returned 
the same night well paid tor my jour- 
ney. Hearing that great man was am- 
ple return for my night's work. 

When I arrived the streets were crowd- 
ed and alive with torch-light proces- 
sions, most of them Free Soil clubs, a 



large number coining in from all parts 
of the county, not to hear Webster, but 
as a defiance to him and the Whigs. 
The town hall, which subsequently be- 
came the city hall, was crowded to ex- 
cess, but I managed to get in, stood 
up through the entire speech and had a 
good position to see and hear. Judge 
Ira Barton, eminent and well known, 
presided, and his dignified appearance 
attracted my attention. 

Mr. Webster was dressed, as was his 
custom on all occasions, in a blue coat, 
rather high collar, gilt buttons, buff 
vest and blue pants. He wore a medi- 
um high neck stock of black with a 
turned down "dickey," as then called. 
I noticed particularly his large promi- 
nent eyebrows, which overhung a pair 
of dark bright eyes. He was evidently 
not at his best, but he gave forth pon- 
derous words that fell like thunderbolts 
on one's head. This was as I realized 
it, altliough he pretty thoroughly be- 
rated General Cass, for whom 1 intend- 
ed to vote, and I shall never forget the 
occasion. He paid attention to Van 
Buren and the uproarious Free Soilers 
outside the hall, who were making the 
whole place around the hall resound 
with their enthusiasm and music. He 
would turn to the open window near 
him and point out to the "foes of the 
Union and the peace of the country," 
as he called them. And to Van Buren 
he referred as the "arch deceiver and 
trifler over the great danger that would 
come to the country if he was elected." 

The windows were open and but lor 
the great noise outside he might have 
been heard without difliculty in the 
street around the hall. His voice was 
heavy and round with a very distinct 
enunciation, so that n > difficultv would 



prevent his being heard quite distant 
from his stand point. To realize the 
power of his speech one must have 
heard it. No other person whom it has 
been my fortune to hear before or since 
ever produced on my mind the effect 
which his power as a public speaker 
did. 

On this occasion he was surrounded 
on the platform by men long eminent 
in the annals of this country — the ven- 
erable Levi Lincoln, who sat in the 
cabinet of President Jefferson, was gov- 
ernor of this state for a number of 
years, a member of congress for several 
terms, and later, when Worcester be- 
came a city, its first mayor; John Davis, 
then United States senator from this 
state; the venerable John W. Lmcoln, 
long high sheriff of this countv ; the 
iNewtons, Kinnicuts, Stephen Salisbury 
'and other prominent citizens of the 
town and county. On the Free Soil 
side that night were to be seen Charles 
Allen, at that time catididate for repre- 
sentative to congress, John Milton Earle, 
editor of Lue t>py. Judge Henry Chapin, 
Adin Thayer and many other prominent 
citizens of Worcester, then leaders in 
politics and very active in the anti- 
slavery movement and come-outers from 
the old Whig part^'. 

The feeling ran high and very great 
excitement and noise prevailed every- 
where. They were all very much in 
earnest, every one took sides and went 
into the fight with a will, spending 
money freely — more so than now. The 
mass of the people do not get as ex- 
cited now as they did then, judging by 
my experience and memory. 

It was in this campaign that ' lidd 
an opportunity to hear John Van Buren, 
son of the nominee. ex-President Van 



Buret!, in Faneuil Hall in Boston. He 
was an eminent lawyer and a polished 
speaker, powerful and strong in expres- 
sion. He was a large man, well buil., 
and commanded the full attention of 
the audience, which filled the hall to its 
fullest capacity It appears he was there 
to punish General Cass rather than to 
rake the Whigs There did not seem to 
be much left of the Democratic candi- 
date when he got through with him. 
This was the last campaign in which 
he or his father acted with the Free 
Soilers. In the next general election, in 
1852, they both, with their large con- 
tingent of Free Soil Democrats in New 
York, supported Franklin Pierce for 
president. 

Mr. Taylor did nut ijuiviv.. Ucyond 
his first year in office. He died quite 
suddenly at Washington. The vice pres- 
ident, Mr. Fillmore, succeeded him. Mr. 
Fillmore was a" able conservative pres- 
ident and generally held the confidence 
and respect c' the people. During his 
term an effort was made to bring about 
a satisfactory adjustment of the slavery 
agitation and remove it from the coun- 
cils of the country. The compromise 
measures, as then and now known, of 
1850, were enacted into law, and Mr. 
Webster was an active factor in this 
business with Henry Clay. He was no 
doubt actuated by patriotic purposes, 
hoping to reach some point that would 
satisfy the country, South as well as 
North. So ob>oxious was the Fugitive 
Slave Law that the North almost unan- 
imously objected to its passage and 
large numbers of prominent men took 
strong and decided position against it. 
This extreme and radical law upset the 
plan of conciliation and at once created 
great opposition to the enforcement of 

60 



the law. Mr. Webster tried to explaiti 
and appeal to his Northern constituents 
to accept it, but he failed, and it had 
the effect of closing his political life. In 
the following year he died at his resi- 
dence in Marshfield in this state. 

The frequent visits of slave hunters to 
the North in search of runaway slaves 
and their rendition under the law cre- 
ated great excitement and turmoil and 
increased the anti-slavery feeling very 
much. By this state of the public mind 
the Free Soil party was much increased 
in power through the North. 

During Mr. Fillmore's administration 
the Free Soil party had become a strong 
factor in the politics of this state, and 
their opposition to the retiring admin- 
istration was very strong and decided 
and led them to organize everywhere 
against the dominant party. The Whigs 
had controlled the state for a long time 
and were strongly entrenched in power, 
holding all the offices. 

Under the state constitution then in 
force it required a majority of all the 
votes cast to elect. There being three 
parties in the field the smallest party 
could hold the balance of power and 
thereby prevent an election. Manv 
towns, through this situation, failed to 
elect their town officers and were put 
to much expense and trouble. Also, in 
many instances, towns were without 
representation in the legislature for sev- 
eral terms. This produced a demand 
for a change of the constitution, but 
the Whigs opposed it, as it might re- 
sult in their loss of power. 

To bring about a change in this state 
of affairs the opposition, composed of 
the Free Soilers and Democrats, made a 
coalition, as it was called, dividing the 
offices to be filled by a joint ticket at 



the polls made up from each party in 
proportion to the number of votes cast 
in the previous election, with the excep- 
tion of governor and lieutenant gov- 
ernor. 

It was difficult work to get these dif- 
fering elements to work together, and 
the first attempt failed. The second 
succeeded, and the result was a major- 
ity against the Whigs in the legislature. 
Henry Wilson was one of the prime 
movers in this arrangement on the Free 
Soil side, and many others prominent 
in the same party, including Charles 
Sumner, were active promoters. On the 
Democratic side most of the rank and 
file favored it, but a few "hard shells," 
as they were then called, who were al- 
ways looking to Washington for crumbs 
that might come to them in the event 
of national success, opposed it. Nearly 
all the leaders went into it, hoping to 
obtain some of the state offices; but a 
large number of Free Soilers did not 
come into line under this arrangement, 
having a strong dislike to their old en- 
emy, the Democratic party. Judge E. R. 
Hoar, George F. Hoar and others of 
their class preferred the state govern- 
ment of the Whigs to one made up of 
Democrats and their less scrupulous 
friends. But in 1850 this coalition se- 
cured the legislature, and after much 
wrangling, succeeded in electing Charles 
Sumner to the senate and also put into 
the governor's chair the Democratic can- 
didate, George S. Boutwell. Under the 
majority rule there was no choice of 
state officers at the state election, and 
the legislature therefore filled the vacant 
offices. The Democrats were to have 
the state offices in return for the office 
of United States senator, which was to 
be filled by Mr. Sumner. In the begin- 



ning many of the Democrats tailed to 
stand up to the agreement, but after a 
long and very exciting fight enough of 
them came in to elect Mr. Sumner, and 
in addition, elected Robert Rantou1,Jr., 
a Democrat, to fill the vacancy caused 
by the resignation of Mr. Webster in 
the United States senate. 

The Whigs made a great noise over it 
and denounced it as a corrupt bargain, 
but the result of the arrangement in 
the end was a constitutional conven- 
tion, which was to give the state a new 
constitution and change the whole elec- 
tion machinery, adopting a plurality 
rule and divide the state into new elec- 
tion districts. Boston, under the old 
constitution, could send 44 representa- 
tives to the legislature on one ticket 
and six senators. This gave the Whigs 
their power in the state. 

The new constitution, as made at the 
convention, held for that purpose dur- 
ing the 3'ear, failed to receive the ap- 
proval of the people, and therefore did 
not become a law^. Five or six 3'ears 
subsequently a new convention was 
called which made a constitution which 
received the approval of the voters and 
became the present constitution of the 
state 



63 



CHAPTER VIII. 

WEBSTER MURDER TRIAL. 

In the fall of 1849 occurred an event 
that stirred the community to its very 
depth. This was the murder of Dr. 
George Parkman by Professor John W. 
Webster of Boston. 

Dr. Parkman was an old gentleman 
of the Parkman family, well known as 
among the wealthy and aristocratic 
families of the city. Mr. Webster was 
a professor in the Massachusetts Medi- 
cal college in Boston, a man of high 
professional reputation and of good 
social standing. The position of these 
parties in the select society of Boston 
made this occurrence a matter of great 
interest and notoriety all over the coun- 
try. No event of a similar character 
since the murder of Captain Joseph 
White, a prominent and wealthy citizen 
of Salem, by his nephews, the Knapps, 
some twenty years before, caused such 
an intense interest in the minds of all 
classes in the community as this. The 
trial of Prof. Webster in March of the 
following year attracted the attention 
of the bar, press and public to an ex- 
tent exceeding any previous case of a 
like character. 

The facts of the case, as related at 
the time and subsequently confirmed by 
the accused's confession, were these: He 
was in need of money and borrowed 
from Dr. Parkman, who was a monej'- 
lender, from time to time, as his neces- 
sities required He failed to make pay- 
ment to the satisfaction of the lender, 



who pressed him hard to pay. Park- 
man had the reputation of being a 
sharp, penurious man, of not agreeable 
presence. He is supposed to have pur- 
sued Webster to such an extent as to 
make the professor angry and conse- 
quently lose control of himself 

When Parkman appeared again in 
Webster's office to urge payment the 
professor became excited and instead of 
paying the money due knocked Park- 
man down so violently as to cause the 
latter's death. Then, to remove the 
evidence of his crime, he cut up the 
body, putting portions of it into the 
vaults and burning the remainder in his 
office grate. 

When Parkman failed to put in an 
appearance at his home a search was 
made and he was traced to the office of 
Webster, that being the place where he 
had last been seen. Webster told the 
inquirers that Parkman had been there, 
had gone out and had not since been 
seen by him. 

No one at this time suspected the 
professor as in any way connected with 
Parkman's disappearance. As the search 
was proving unsuccessful Robert G. 
Shaw, one of Boston's wealthy citizens, 
a relative of the Parkman family, offered 
a reward of three thousand dollars for 
the finding of Parkman, dead or alive. 
This inducement brought success. The 
janitor of the building, a Mr. Littlefield, 
upon this offer, succeeded in bringing 
forth the parts of the body thrown into 
the vaults. Then suspicion rested on the 
professor and he was arrested. But the 
public was slow to believe him guilty 
and thought that if the murder had 
been committed in the building Little- 
field was the guilty man. 

The trial of this important case ab- 



sorbed the interest of all classes of peo- 
ple and nothing else was talked about 
during its progress and for some time 
after. It took place before the supreme 
court of this state, Chief Justice Shaw 
presiding, with Justices Wilde, Dewey 
and Metcalf as associates. The excite- 
ment was very great and multitudes 
rushed to get into the court room, 
which was in the old court house in 
Court square. 

I was in Boston on the last day of 
the trial, which was Saturday. When 
I got into the square a large crowd 
was gathered, trying to get in, but a 
number of constables, with iron bars, 
stood at the outer door, holding the 
doors with the aid of these bars and 
only allowing a lew to enter at a time. 
My chance of getting in appeared rather 
poor, but I met a townsman there who 
said he was going to get in, if possible, 
and if I would follow him we would 
succeed. This I did and after much 
jamming and getting squeezed I got in 
and was shown to the gallery. No 
more were admitted than could be 
seated and they were allowed to remain 
in the gallery but five minutes. After 
the alloted time had expired we passed 
out by another door and our places 
were tilled by others coming in. This 
was done throughout the trial and was 
accomplished without noise or disturb- 
ance, as the stairways were jovered 
with thick matting, as were also all the 
j,2ssagcways leading to the seats in the 
gaiiery. Notwithstanding the immense 
crowd coming in and going out there 
was an almost breathless silence per- 
vading the court room. The very air 
seemed impregnated w^ith this solemn 
and impressive occasion. In the court 
room below I saw the assembled wealth 



of Boston filling every seat that could 
be put in. Never since has any court 
room in this Commonwealth contained 
an audience so select or of men and 
women noted as representing the best 
culture in the state and nation. 

The prisoner sat with his wife and 
daughters near him — a large, broad- 
shouldered man, with a large, well-de- 
veloped head and slightly gray hair, 
and wore gold-bowed spectacles, a fine- 
looking man, dressed in black. 

The appearance of the venerable chief 
justice, bordering on four-score years, 
was most dignified and remarkable. lif 
I remember aright he wore a skull-cap 
over rather light hair. His countenance 
was like marble, indicating a lack of 
blood. 

The attorneys for the defense were 
Pliny Merrick of Worcester, afterwards 
a judge of the supreme judicial court, 
and E. D. Sohier of Boston. Alerrick 
had finished his closing argument when 
I entered and Attorney-General John H. 
Clifford of New Bedford, subsequently 
governor of the state, was speaking. 
The short space of time during which I 
was permitted to hear him impressed 
me with his ability and power before a 
jury. His effort in this case, whicl was 
said to be his greatest, gave him a po- 
sition among the great lawyers of the 
land. 

The jury returned a verdict of guilty 
that evening. This result was unex- 
pected and against the very general 
opinion of the public and the press. On 
the streets and in public places there 
appeared but one opinion. HardW a 
person was heard in favor of the ver- 
dict. The newspapers everywhere crit- 
icised the trial and its result, some of 
them doing so very severely, sparing 

67 



not even the charge of the chief justice 
to the jury. The feeling at the time 
was very strong against Janitor Little- 
field, many believing he knew more 
about this affair than he had told and 
that if the large reward had not been 
offered the matter would never have 
come to light. 

1 remember when I came out of the 
court room I went to a dining room, 
situated where Young's Hotel now is, 
to get a lunch. The large room was 
fall of excited men talking about the 
trial, all apparently of one mind as to 
what the verdict should and would be. 
Some bets were offered on the verdict 
in favor of acquittal, but there were no 
taiers. 

The court pronounced the death pen- 
alty upon the accused, which was to 
be carried into execution in the follow- 
ing August. During the interval be- 
fore the execution every possible effort 
was made to save the professor. Ex- 
ceptions taken at the trial were brought 
before the court, but were not allowed, 
and a strong, but unavailing attempt 
■was made to have the verdict set aside 
and a new trial granted. Then the 
governor was besieged to grant a par- 
don or to change the sentence to im- 
prisonment, but these efforts were un- 
snccessful and the sentence was carried 
into effect. 

Finally the accused made a confession 
fully sustaining the court and jury in 
their judgment and practically settling 
the public mind on the matter. But for 
a long time doubts of his being really 
executed were expressed and such state- 
ments appeared occasionally in the 
newspapers. Soon after his execution 
his family went to Fayal in the Azores 
to reside, and never returned to this 



country. At least, if they came back, it 
was not known. 

This was the end of the most sensa- 
tional case ever tried in this state. 
Janitor Littlefield, after receiving from 
Mr. Shaw the amount offered as a re- 
w^ard, at the close of the trial, resigned 
his position at the college and left the 
city, locating on a farm in New Hamp- 
shire, where he remained, dying a few 
years ago. 

The year 1851 brought no events to 
the surface worthy of note or remem- 
brance. The political situation in the 
country was more quiet. Occasionally 
a slave hunter from the South put in 
an appearance, stirring up the people 
somewhat, but the underground rail- 
road being in good working order he 
did not in many instances find his vic- 
tim. The strong and conservative ad- 
ministration of Fillmore, with Webster 
as secretary of state, had a good effect 
on the country and business was fairly 
good and steady, and the political ex- 
citement over the Compromise measures 
of 1850 was fast subsiding, although it 
was later renewed by fresh aggressions 
of the slave power. 



69 



CHAPTER IX. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1852. — DEMOCRATIC BAR- 
BECUE AT HILLSBORO, N. H. 

The Free Soil party, through dissen- 
sions in the party management, had 
lost ground and many of its adherents 
in the campaign of 1848 had returned 
to the old parties from whence they 
came. This was the condition of poli- 
tics at the beginning of 1852. The 
Whig party, being in power, went into 
the campaign with some vigor and con- 
fidence of success. The party was prac- 
tically united throughout the country 
and met in convention in June at Balti- 
more with a full representation. 

The friends of Fillmore were earnest 
for his nomination. Daniel Webster 
still clung to the hope of the presidency, 
and his friends adhered to him to the 
last. His great competitor, Henry Clay, 
had just died at Washington without 
attaining his life-long ambition, leaving 
Mr. Webster the last of his former rivals 
in the field. But availability was still 
a prominent factor. It had served the 
party well in the past and its friends 
were numerous. A successful general 
had brought them victory in the pre- 
vious campaign and another general 
was in the field for the nomination — 
one who stood at the head of the army, 
whose deeds had given him a prestige 
over every other army officer in the 
country as a military man, whose re- 
nown was world-wide — Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral Scott. Besides being beyond ques- 



tion a good Whig he was the man for 
the occasion and could be elected with- 
out doubt. 

Upon this record he went into the 
convention with a lead and, after many 
ballots, succeeded in obtaining a major- 
ity and was declared the nominee. If 
the friends of Webster had at any time 
gone over to Fillmore he would have 
received the prize ; but the urgency of 
Mr. Webster prevented the change and 
Scott triumphed. 

Mr. Webster, disappointed at this re- 
sult, relused to en(]orse the candidate, 
and soon after, with numbers of his 
friends throughout the country, came 
out for the Democratic candidate. 
Among tlie>e were many of Fillmore's 
adherents also. 

The nomination of Scott did not al- 
together meet the hearty endorsement 
of the Whigs, but the country very 
generally responded to it favorably and 
the party organization went into the 
contest sanguine of success. The feeling 
here in Massachusetts, among the rank 
and file of the party, was of the utmost 
confidence, and in their press and every- 
where they declared that the opposition 
could nominate no man able to beat 
Scott. 

The Democrats met in convention in 
Tune at Baltimore, every state being 
represented. The convention, though 
not in all matters entirely harmonious, 
succeeded in making a platform and 
adopting the two thirds rule, and after 
many ballots nominated Franklin Pierce 
of New Hampshire. To the country in 
general this was quite unexpected, as 
he had not been named with any prom- 
inence or expectation of success. Gen- 
eral Cass and James Buchanan were 



71 



the two most prominently mentioned 
candidates, but they were unable, either 
of them, to get the required two-thirds, 
and Pierce was consequently taken up 
as a compromise candidate. 

This nomination was a surprise and 
did not at first give confidence of suc- 
cess, but soon the tide began to set in 
for Pierce and his campaign began with 
much enthusiasm in all parts of the 
country. 

The Free Soil party met at Pittsburg, 
in August, with a smaller number than 
at the convention in Buffalo, in 1848, 
and much less enthusiasm. John P. 
Hale of New Hampshire was the nomi- 
nee, so that the old Granite state was 
honored with two of the candidates. 
John A. Julian of Michigan received the 
second place on the ticket. This was a 
truly representative ticket, both being 
old anti-slavery men. 

The campaign opened pretty lively, 
and in the start Scott had or appeared 
to have the inside, as it was felt that 
his great reputation as a soldier placed 
him far in advance of the other candi- 
dates. But he was unfortunate as a 
letter-writer. His letter accepting the 
nomination was unsatisfactory, as it 
attempted to satisfy all sides, but failed 
to satisfy the public in general. Some 
opposition to him appeared in his party 
in various parts of the country and Mr. 
Fillmore and Mr. Webster received nom- 
inations in several localities. With this 
condition of the Whig campaign in the 
begiiming, somewhat chilling the enthu- 
siasm for their candidate, the Demo- 
cratic candidate appeared to gain favor 
and the hopes of the party were much 
encouraged. His personality was much 
in his favor. He made friends every- 



where by his ver\' genial and polished 
manners, and his record in congress and 
in the Alexican war was favorable to 
him. Then again, the fact that he was 
born and reared in the old Granite 
state, of- the old Jackson Democrac}', 
gave him much piestige among Demo- 
crats everywhere, and thousands of 
them returned to the part^' from the 
Free Soil party of 184-8, believing he 
would carr}^ out the Jackson policv of 
former times and bring peace to the 
country on the slavery question b\' a 
firm, consistent course, checking the ex- 
treme elements of the South and the 
radical course of the anti-slavery ele- 
ment of the North. 

Confidence in this respect grew as the 
canvass proceeded and made itself felt 
at the polls, resulting in the overwhelm- 
ing election of the Democratic ticket. 
Pierce and King. Mr. King had long 
been in congress from Alabama and 
stood high in the South, giving the 
ticket much strength in that Cjuarter. 

The Whig candidate for vice president 
was William A. Graham of North Car- 
olina, a member of Mr. Fillmore's cabi- 
net and a strong man of conservative 
tendencies. He had been in congress a 
number of years and brought to the 
ticket much ability and confidence. 

The campaign was not as exciting as 
some previous ones, but was conducted 
in an earnest and temperate manner. I 
will here mention some of the incidents 
occurring during the canvass — one in 
particular, on the Democratic side. 

A great meeting of the Democrats 
was projected, to be held at the birth- 
place of their candidate, Hillsboro, N. H. 
A barbecue of large dimensions was a 
part of the exercises. A large ox, said 



to weigh 3,000 pounds, was roasted 
whole and immense quantities of. brown 
bread, and I think beans were a part 
of the food offered, though I am not 
sure as to that. I was present and 
partook of the ox and brown bread, 
but do not remember the beans. This 
event occurred about the middle of Sep- 
tember. I then resided in Worcester and 
was a member of the Granite State club 
of that city- This club, with a large 
number of citizens, not only of that 
city, but from all over the state, went 
up to this political feast. 

I remember our train left Worcester 
about sunrise on a ver3'^ warm and 
beautiful morning, and the number 
going filled a long train, using every 
car within reach of the compan^^ There 
w^ere said to be upward of fifteen or 
eighteen hundred people. When the train 
reached Groton, Governor Boutwell and 
some members of his staff, with other 
friends, joined us, and received a great 
ovation. The Democrats of this state 
had seldom had an opportunity to greet 
a governor belonging to their part)', 
and they made up on this occasion for 
lost opportunities. He went as far as 
Nashua, I understood, and then re- 
turned. 

The drift toward that mecca of De- 
mocracy among the old Granite hills 
was very great. The railroads were 
utterly unable to transport the multi- 
tudes, and it was nearly noon before 
we got to Concord. While we were 
awaiting transportation to Hillsboro, 
General Pierce came to the depot to 
meet some friends expected from the 
South and West. We had, therefore, a 
good opportunity to see him, and he 
got a great ovation, which fiuallv re- 



74 



solved itself into a reception of large 
dimensions. It was here that I had an 
opportunity to be presented and got a 
good shake of his hand. He was rather 
tall and of slender bviild, with erect, 
military bearing, black hair, standing 
up somewhat in curls. Mis very affable 
and polished manners gave him an ele- 
gant appearance. The great crowd 
went wild with enthusiasm, tnid his im- 
promptu reception was all he or any 
one else in his jiosition could desire. 

The delay prevented our reaching our 
destination until nearly the middle of 
the afternoon, but we found a sufficient 
portion of the ox and bread remained 
to replenish our exhausted strength, 
with plenty of drink to quench our 
thirst. 

I never before saw such a motley 
crowd. The little village appeared over- 
run. All New Ham| siiire and some of 
this state must have l)et-n there. There 
was nothing in the appearance of the 
place to indicate that any change had 
occurred in it since the date of the birth 
of its distinguished son. Every house 
looked as though it had stood there at 
that time. The land was hardly level 
and was covered with rocks and great 
boulders. My impression at the time 
was that General Pierce's friends from 
the South and West, who w^ere reported 
to be there, must have gone home 
thinking their candidate came from 
pretty humble surroundings. It was 
certainly thoroughly rural in every 
way except the railroad, which had just 
been completed to the town. The town 
was emphatically representative of rural 
New Hampshire at this date, and the 
plan of holding such a political gather- 
ing in the state and in this place was 



fruitful of good results to the ticket, as 
it no doubt rendered the state safe for 
General Pierce, which was very desira- 
ble at that time. But the rush to it 
was beyond calculations and made the 
trip laborious and disagreeable. 

The lateness of our arrival prevented 
our hearing any of the speaking and I 
do not now remember the names of any 
of the speakers who made addresses. 
The provisions w^ere ample, so that 
every one who got there had enough 
to eat and drink. 

It was not until evening that the 
road could take us out of town, and 
then only to Concord, where we re- 
mained all night, finding a sleeping- 
place on the floor of the hall of the 
Scott headquarters, tendered for our 
use. I returned home the next day to 
find myself rather used up and my en- 
thusiasm somewhat cooled, as a conse- 
quence of the heat of the day and the 
long and exciting journey through noisy 
crowds. This excvirsion satisfied my 
desire for this sort of electioneering and 
I have since preferred more quiet and 
better controlled gatherings. 

The result of the election was a great 
surprise to the country, although pre- 
vious to election day the generally ex- 
pressed opinion was that the Demo- 
cratic ticket would prevail. The unfor- 
tunate letter- writing of General Scott 
had an unfavorable effect upon his can- 
vass. Then, too, it was well known 
that Webster had declared for Pierce 
and had recommended his friends to 
vote for him. This carried many of the 
Webster Whigs over to the Democratic 
ticket. General Scott carried only four 
states — two from the North and two 
from the South, all the rest of the states 



76 



going to General Pierce. This result 
proved a sore disappointment to Scott 
and his friends, and, as it proved, end- 
ed the life of the Whig party as a na- 
tional organization. 

The Free Soil party showed a falling- 
oif from the campaign of 1848 and not 
long after was engrafted into the new 
and broader party — the great Republi- 
can party of the war. 



77 



CHAPTER X. 

PIERCE'S administration. — A LIVELY 
DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION AT 
FITCH BURG.— LOl'IS KOSSUTH'S VISIT 
TO AMERICA. — THE KNOW-NOTHING 
PARTY. 

The election of General Pierce was 
hailed throughout the countr3' as the 
harbinger of better political conditions, 
and confidence in his ability' and prac- 
tical knowledge gave assurance of a 
better understanding between the North 
and South as to the slavery issue. No 
president, since Mr. Monroe, ever -went 
into office with more personal and po- 
litical friends than he. 

The Democracy of the North was de- 
lighted. One of their representative men 
w^as at the head of the government, 
and they were confident of being recog- 
nized as a part of the great Democracy 
of the land and that President Pierce's 
course would strengthen the party in 
all the Northern states as against the 
aggressive policy of the South. But 
they were destined to be disappointed. 

The president proved to be more of a 
politician than a statesman, e^ndently 
thinking the solid party of the South 
more important to his administration 
than the great and loyal Democracy of 
the North, including his own state, 
which had sustained him always and 
truly. His chief advisers were, ifor the 
most part, Southern men, but in New^ 
England there were Caleb Cushing, a 
recent recruit to the party, whom be 
made attorney-general, B. F. Haflett 



and Charles G. Green of Boston, who 
dealt out the patronage, and none bot 
the hardest-shelled "Hunkers" w^ere rec- 
ognized. 

The result of this course was disap- 
pointing to the great body of his sup- 
porters and was the practical wrecking 
of the party in this part of the coun- 
try, leaving to his support only his 
office-holders and a small contingent 
known as the Hunker element of his 
party, and was also the cause of the 
loss of his own state, which had stood 
for a long time true to the Democratic 
standard. In short, he failed to meet 
the ex()ectations of his friends, and his 
administration, instead of bringing 
peace to the country, widened the breach 
and contributed much to the great con- 
flict which his successor helped to bring 
upon the country through his imbecility 
and lack of firmness and broad states- 
manship. No honest, intelligent Demo- 
crat can look back upon the adminis- 
tration of Franklin Pierce w^ith pride. 

During the camj^aign of this year the 
Democratic state convention met in this 
c4ty (then a town). I attended it as a 
delegate from Worcester. This was my 
first visit here, and as I remember it 
then, the change from that time to the 
present has been very great. Its inhab- 
itants then numbered about five thou- 
sand. The old stone station stood 
where the present elegant one now^ 
stands, and when I came out of it and 
up through the open ground where 
Depot park now is, no pavements or 
sidewalks appeared anywhere. The 
main part of the American House 
loomed up as the first building. The 
ell on the eastern side had not then 
been built. The next building on the 
same side was the Norcross & Crocker 



building, the same as now On the 
other side, up to Alill street, were one 
and two story buildings, which I did 
not notice sufficiently to describe them. 
From Mill street up were open spaces. 
There were one and two-story buildings 
and dwelling houses on both sides of 
the street up to where city hall now is. 
On the whole I thought it a pretty ac- 
tive town from the little I saw of it. I 
did not look about much as I felt more 
interest in the convention than in look- 
ing over the town. I had at that time 
no thought of ever becoming a resident 
of the town. 

The great attraction was at the to'wn 
hall, where the political circus was 
going on. The town hall was in an 
unfinished state. The walls were naked, 
but the floors and stairways were laid 
and made serviceable for the use of this 
convention. A large number was pres- 
ent, filling the hall to its utmost capac- 
ity, anfl a more tumultuous gathering 
never assembled anywhere in my expe- 
rience, calling itself a convention. Those 
in this town who are now^ living and 
were present will, I think, agree to this 
statement. 

Hon. Nathaniel Wood of this city 
was president and I am inclined to 
think he never got into such a hot box 
before. It must have tried him to the 
uttermost. There was a scene enacted 
here, worthy of mention, which will be 
remembered by those present. 

If I remember correctly, the question 
before the convention was the reference 
of ail resolutions offered to the commit- 
tee on resolutions without debate. The 
contention was very strong and noisy 
and the chairman had great difiiculty 
in keeping suflficient order to permit of 
his being heard from the platform. 



Amidst the uproar B. F. Hallett ap- 
peared on the platform nearly in front 
of the presiding officer. Why he was 
there was not then understood. 

When his action was observed Benja- 
min F. Butler, pretty well known to 
everybody then and since, appealed on 
the platform, coming in an opposite di- 
rection, facing Mr. Hallett. The chair- 
man stood just back of, but between 
them. What was pending could not 
quite be solved, but matters looked se- 
rious, the convention rose in a tumult 
and bedlam reigned for a few moments. 

During this confusion some delegate 
in the back of the hall, apparently 
frightened over the situation, shouted 
out that the hall was unsafe and sug- 
gested that the convention leave the 
place at once. Col. Ivers Phillips, well 
known as one of the town's prominent 
and active citizens, immediateh^ arose 
and in a loud clear voice declared the 
hall perfectly safe, saying there was no 
danger and asking the delegates to re- 
main. He said the building was of the 
most substantial character and no evi- 
dence an^'whcre appeared of weakness. 
The emphatic way in which this was 
said caught the ear of the delegates 
and no move was made to get out. 

The performance then going on on 
the platform between the chairman, 
Butler and Hallett, was ridiculous, and 
was ended by the chairman's putting 
the motion and declaring it carried. 
Upon this about one hundred and fifty 
delegates, under the lead of Hallett, left 
the convention, proceeded to the old 
town hall and there organized a pro- 
testing bod^' for the purpose, probably, 
of clearing their skirts of any affiliation 
with Free Soilers, so thnt no doubt as 
to their Democracv could arise when 



the offices were given out by the ex- 
pected Pierce administration to the 
faithful. Alter the convention was rid 
of this Hunker element it proceeded 
quietly and in an orderly manner to 
transact its business, after which it ad- 
journed. 

Other events worthy of notice oc- 
curred this year. Henry Clay died at 
Washington, early in June, in his seven- 
sixth year. Born during the dark days 
of the revolution, coming upon the po- 
litirnl stnee at an earlv ixge. he became 
one of the great statesmen of the coun- 
try, and has gone down into history 
as one of its most illustrious citizens. 
Daniel Webster died in October of this 
year in his seventy-first year. So that 
this 3'ear records the death of two of 
the most remarkable and eminent states- 
men this country has ever produced. 

Another interesting event took place 
at this time, the visit of Louis Kossuth 
and his retinue, exiles from their native 
land, Hungary, to this land of the free. 
He and his were martyrs to the cause 
of liberty, being driven from their homes 
through the tyranny of the Austrian 
government, which held dominion over 
Hungary and against which these pa- 
triots had rebelled, trying to free their 
people from its power. They failed, and 
to save their lives, came to this coun- 
try for protection. They were received 
everywhere with open arms and the 
people turned out en masse wherever 
they appeared. The state recognized 
them as did the national government. 
The Austrian government took offence 
at their reception and recognition by 
this government and put in a decided 
protest, threatening to withdraw its 
minister. But this did not frighten Mr. 
Webster, who was secretarv of state. 



He stated the position of the govern-- 
ment in a clear and decided manner, 
and Austria concluded not to withdraw 
their representative. Nearly ever3' city 
throughout the country invited Kossuth 
and his part\' to pay it a visit and a 
great many had the opportunity to re- 
ceive them. 

The city of Worcester gave them a 
very hearty reception and it was there 
that I had an opportunit}' to see them. 
It was made a public occasion and peo- 
ple from all over the county came in in 
great crowds. The military turned out 
and it was an occasion of a very patri- 
otic character. The governor of the 
state was represented by members of 
his staff. I do not remember that he 
himself was present. 

From a platform on the common, 
near the old city hall, I heard Kossuth 
make his address. He was short and 
thick-set, of a military bearing, dressed 
in the uniform of a general and wear- 
ing a soft wool hat, with a broad 
brim, trimmed with gold lace. This 
style of hat became very popular, was 
at once brought into use and was 
known for a long time as the " Kos- 
suth " hat. It was almost universally 
worn by old and young, and took the 
place of the old-time tall tile, which 
was very largelv worn in those da^^s. 
He did not speak verA' good English, 
but by close attention he could be un- 
derstood. He was quite excitable and 
enthusiastic, and aroused great enthusi- 
asm. After traveling over the country 
from one end to the other he returned 
to the old countr}', and when the polit- 
ical situation w^as somewhat bettered, 
by permission of the government, then 
in power, he returned to his home. But 



most of his aids remained and settled 
in this country. 

' The year 1853 brought the Pierce ad- 
ministration into power in every depart- 
ment. Its poHcy was soon made appar- 
ent. The appointments to office were 
generally from the pro-slayery wing of 
the party, and it was given out in high 
quarters that Democrats in an\^ manner 
affiliating vith Free Soilers would not 
be recognized. Therefore almost at the 
beginning the line was drawn. No one 
in the party of broad, liberal views, 
who had in any w^ay shown a leaning 
towards anti-slavery opinions, would 
be considered a Democrat. The result 
of this policy was indicated by the 
small Democratic vote cast at the fall 
election of this year. 

At this time the Whigs, as a party, 
were losing ground in this state; al- 
though they succeeded in electing their 
state ticket, it was the last of their 
success as a party, and from this time 
the organization went to pieces. The 
Free Soil party, through its divisions, 
was fast falling behind, so that a large 
mass of the people, disgusted with the 
old parties, were looking for something 
new. 

About this time it began to be re- 
ported that a new part}' w^as being or- 
ganized in various parts of the country, 
but as it was said to be a secret organ- 
ization, its working principles were lit- 
tle known, and when any one supposed 
to be a member was asked about it, 
the reply would be: "I know nothing." 
This was so frequently the anwser that 
the members of the new party were 
called "Know-Nothings," and generally 
went by that name. But the name 
which they themselves chose was "Na- 
tive Americans." None but pure native 



stock were to be admitted. Their prin- 
ciples, as given out, were: Put none 
but Americans on guard and against 
foreign influence of every kind. No Ro- 
man Catholic could be admitted to the 
party. In short it was nothing more 
nor less than an anti-Roman Catholic 
organization, formed to make war on 
that church in this country, although 
this was strongly denied by some of 
its prominent leaders. Large numbers 
flocked to it and it soon became a 
power in politics. A large number of 
the come-outers from the other parties 
joined it, and in 1854 it showed its 
strength at the polls by carrying this 
state by a large majority, electing its 
entire ticket and sweejjing over the 
country, carrying many states and 
bringing many ncAv men forward. 

This secret order in politics was dis- 
tasteful to the average voter and its 
members were soon more open in their 
movements and meetings, but from this 
election the party began to decline. 
Through the disorganization of the old 
parties they were able to keep control 
of this state for three years. All pre- 
vious attempts to build up a party on 
this narrow, proscri])tive principle had 
failed, and this party was to go the 
same way. The mass of the patriotic 
people of this country did not take 
kindly to secret oaths and organizations 
in politics and soon sat down on the 
part\', which, alter a brief time, went 
out of existence, but it brought upon 
the political stage quite a number of 
new men and helped up higher some 
well-known politicians — for instance, 
Henry Wilson, N. P. Banks and Anson 
Burlingame, men of mark in the old 
Free Soil party, who, joining this move- 
ment, were recognized. Mr. Wilson 

85 



went to the United States senate and 
Banks and Burlingame to the national 
house of representatives. Banks -was 
also the first Republican governor of 
Massachusetts. Henry J. Gardner, who 
was elected governor three successive 
years by this party, was an old Whig 
of no previous political standing, and 
dropped out of sight after leaving the 
gubernatorial chair, as did also a num- 
ber of others of less ability who got 
high places in the state and nation. 



86 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1856. — DOUGLAS AND 
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. 

The year 1856 brouijht another presi- 
dential campaign. The policy of the 
Pierce administration was so antago- 
nistic to the free sentiment of the North 
that the dissolving elements of the old 
parties found no ditficulty in organizing 
a new partly to meet the issue put forth 
by the administration in power. It be- 
gan in this 3'ear with an organization 
in every free state, and a national con- 
Tention was held, which was lareely 
attended from the free states and to 
some extent from the slave states. 

The convention met under favorable 
conditions and contained many men of 
high standing and political experience. 
This was the beginning of the great 
Republican party, the ])ower of which 
later on changed the whole attitude of 
the country in relation to slavery and 
was the essential means of eradicating 
it forever from the land and saved the 
Union for all time, 1 hope. 

This convention nominated General 
John C. Fremont for president and 
William L. Dayton of New Jerse}'^ for 
vice president. General Fremont was 
instrumental in making California a 
state, and his great ability made it a 
free state. 

The Native American party and what 
was left of the Whig party met in sep- 
arate conventions and nominated ex- 
President Fillmore as their candidate, 
but neither convention was largely at- 
tended. 



The Democrats met in convention at 
Cincinnati, nominating James Buchanan 
for president and John C. Breckinridge 
of Kentucky for vice president. The 
states were all represented, largely by 
office-holders under the Pierce adminis- 
tration. They, of couise, endorsed all 
Pierce had done, but did not think him 
available for renomination. The South 
was in the saddle as usual, and domi- 
nated the convention. 

This campaign was pretty lively, par- 
ticularly in the Northern states, where 
the new party appeared to be largely 
in the ascendant. The election resulted 
in the defeat of Fremont. The presence 
of the third candidate, Fillmore, in the 
field, gave Buchanan five free states be- 
sides all the slave states, except Mary- 
land, and elected him. Thus the pro- 
slavery Democracy continued in power 
four years longer. Its pro-slavery poli- 
cy was so extreme that a large frac- 
tion of the party, under the lead of 
Senator Douglas, took issue on the ad- 
ministration policy, and here began the 
struggle of the Free Democracy of the 
North with the ultra pro-slavery pro- 
gram of Mr. Buchanan, which, in the 
next national campaign, resulted in a 
division of the Democratic party and 
bringing about its defeat. 

The campaign of 1860 was very ex- 
citing and the country was greatly dis- 
turbed over the situation. The aggres- 
sive pro-slavery spirit of the South, 
aided by the Buchanan administration 
in the extension of slavery into the ter- 
ritories, produced an equally determined 
purpose on the part of the great anti- 
slavery element in the North to prevent 
it. This brought on much angry dis- 
cussion in congress and out, and the 
conservative peoule all over the country 



wtre more or less alarmed over the po- 
litical condition. The Republican party 
had, through this state of the country, 
become greatly strengthened and met 
in convention at Chicago with all the 
free states fully represented and some 
delegates from the slave states. It was 
a great gathering and was composed 
of many able men of political experi- 
ence, coming out from the old parties to 
meet the great issue of slave extension. 
This was the uppermost question, noth- 
ing else was considered. After much 
disagreement about candidates they 
succeeded in nominating Abraham Lin- 
coln and Hannibal Hamlin, and took a 
decided stand against the further exten- 
sion of slavery into anv of the territo- 
ries of the Union and made it the lead- 
ing issue. 

The Democratic party met in conven- 
tion at Charleston, S. C. The rule re- 
quiring two-thirds of the whole conven- 
tion to nominate a candidate was 
adopted. The differences over the sla- 
very question prevented any nomina- 
tion at this place and the convention 
adjourned to Baltimore to meet in June. 
A considerable number of the delegates 
from the South had left the convention, 
so that the assembling at Baltimore 
was left in the control of the friends of 
Douglas He was the choice of the 
jonvention and was made its nominee. 
The bolters, mostly from the Southern 
states, but including three prominent 
men from Massachusetts — Binjamin F. 
Butler, Caleb Cushing and George B. 
Loring— met in convention at Balti- 
more, in the same month, calling itself 
the National Democratic convention, 
receiving the full endorsement of Bu- 
chanan and his administration, passing 
resolutions sustaining their radical oo- 

89 



sitioti on the extension of slavery and 
nominated John C. Breckinridge for 
president. Another convention had been 
held in the previous month in Balti- 
more, calling itself the Constitutional 
Union party, composed of old Whigs, 
the remnant of the American party and 
others representing the commercial in- 
terests of the counby, which had be- 
come much disturbed over political af- 
fairs. They represented twenty states 
and placed in nomination two very 
eminent statesmen — ^John Bell of Ten- 
nessee and Edward Everett of this 
state. Their platform set forth the 
great value of the union of the states 
and urged the full acquiescence in all 
the compromises and laws, in short, to 
concede to the South all it demanded. 

With these prominent four tickets in 
the field, the contest began early and 
was waged with great vigor by all the 
parties. The Bell-Everett part}', as it 
w^as called, was very active. Being 
made up of wealthy men throughout 
the country they had ample means to 
make a good fight. They did not ex- 
pect to elect their candidates by the 
popular vote, but to so divide the vote 
that no election by the people would 
occur, then congress would have to 
settle the matter. As the Buchanan 
party held both houses they calculated, 
in view of the fact of the division of 
the Democrats, they could effect a com- 
promise and bring about the election of 
their candidates. This, at the time, ap- 
peared quite probable in view of the 
situation, and was felt by many prom- 
inent statesmen to be the outcome of 
the contest. This party put in much 
work in this state and, as an important 
adjunct to their efforts, they mounted 
a large bell on wheels to be hauled 



through the country to he rung at ali 
their great gatherings. This appeared 
at many iilaces in this state. Business 
was dnil, being more or less affected by 
the uncertain outlook of the political 
situation, so that little was done other 
than conventions, political gatherings 
and electioneering. 

The result was the election of the Re- 
publican ticket. This ticket received a 
large plurality of the votes cast and 
also a considerable inajorit_v of the elec- 
toral vote. Mr. Douglas received the 
next highest of the popiilar vote, being 
within half a million of Mr. Lincoln's 
vote, Breckinridge received a little more 
than half as man}' as Douglas, and the 
Bell-Everett ticket received less than 
one-half as many as Douglas received. 
So it will be seen that Douglas repre- 
sented the great heart of the Demo- 
cratic party, opposed to the extreme 
demands of the South and the policy of 
Buchanan, and, as it appeared later on, 
by the action of Judge Douglas, were 
found loyal to the Union and against 
the encroachments of the slave power. 

The result was very gratifying to all 
lovers of their countr3% showin'g as it 
did a very large preponderence of votes 
in favor of the maintenance of the 
Union and the repression of the arro- 
gant Slavery Extension party. The 
election of Mr. Lincoln was hailed as 
the beginning of a new era and much 
rejoicing was had over it, but the posi- 
tion of the South indicated trouble. 
They would not accept the result and 
began to take measures to get out of 
the Union. The president-elect, not being 
well known throughout the country, 
did not fully obtain the confidence of 
the country at first and he entered the 
White House with some doubt of his 



ability to meet the great crisis then 
appearing imminent; but history has 
clearly shown him to have been the 
man for the occasion, and against open 
and secret enemies his wisdom and firm- 
ness prevailed, and he w^ent down into 
the annals of his country as second 
only to Washington, the saviour of the 
Union and the liberator of the slave. 
Had his well-known policy been contin- 
ued in the succeeding administration, 
the restoration of the Union would 
have been with less friction and at an 
earlier date, and would have prevented 
many of the subsequent troubles placed 
in the way of a complete union of the 
entire country. 

One more fact I will state to the 
credit of Mr. Douglas and his party — 
that when the president called for vol- 
unteers to aid in saving the Union, 
Douglas was among the first to call 
personally on the president to offer him- 
self and his friends to aid the adminis- 
tration in suppressing the uprising then 
in progress against the Union. This 
was most opportune and timely, as it 
placed in the Union ranks the million 
and more of patriotic Democrats to 
fight for their country, and thousands 
of them everywhere went into the 
armies and did their duty, w^hile the 
Breckinridge contingent in the North 
generally remained at home to run their 
party organization, pass peace resolu- 
tions, declare the war a failure and 
otherwise obstruct Lincoln in his g^cat 
work of saving the government. 



CHAPTER XII. 

IMPROVEMENT OF POSTAL FACILITIES. 

In concluding tliese reminiscences at 
this point, a retrospect of the past, 
bringing to notice the great changes 
made during the period covered and 
down to the present time, within my 
memory, nearly three-quarters of the 
present century, may be wortliy of con- 
sideration, and in the outset may re- 
mind nn^ younger readers of the very 
limited opportunities in my boyhood 
days to earn an honest penny for spend- 
ing money. There were no papers to 
sell, daily papers were not printed out- 
side of Boston, and only a few there. 
No office boys were needed, no tele- 
grajih, telephone or elevator boys were 
required, and the calling of the boot- 
black had not acquired a place among 
the occupations. None of the large 
number of chances on every hand now 
seen were thought of in those days. 
The opportunities for learning a trade 
or acquiring a business education were 
limited to a few. 

I remember liow h;ird it was to get 
hold of a cent, so that my spending 
money was very small in amoimt. I 
have not forgotten my running after 
the old stage coach to get the mail, 
when the driver threw it off in front 
of the postoffice. to carry it in for the 
postmaster to take out the letters and 
other packages for the townspeople, 
and then to carry it to the tavern, 
where the stage stopped to change 
horses. This brought to me the coveted 



cent, wnicn to me cnen, was a precious 
coin; but I did not have a monopoly 
of this business; plenty of competitors 
were found for the same cent, so that 
unless I got round pretty- lively I failed 
to get the much desired monej'. The 
mail bag was not a very large affair 
and never ver3' full, so that a pretty 
small boy could handle it. The mail 
facilities in those days were quite small 
as compared with the present in the 
same town. There did not appear to 
be much correspondence going on about 
there, at least there was not much in 
the bag, excepting on Saturday, when 
the weekly newspapers taken in the 
town put in an appearance. I had a 
good chance to see the contents of the 
bag and learn the number of letters 
usually found therein ; and this was 
only three times a week ; a dailj^ mail 
to any place excepting the most popu- 
lous was not allowed, as it did not 
pay. The stage came from Boston only 
three times in the week, a distance of 
only 25 miles, to my native town of 
Hoiliston in Middlesex county. This 
town was not wholly a farming town; 
considerable manufacturing for that pe- 
riod was done and, in fact, there were 
but few towns in the county larger or 
more active than this town of my birth 
at this date. It was not the fault of 
the people that more correspondence 
was not carried on or more business 
done through the mails. The rates of 
postage were very high, almost prohib- 
itive. No prepaid matter was carried 
in the mails, ail postage must be paid 
by the receiver and not by the sender, 
so that only a small correspondence 
was carried on, and this mostly of an 
urgent business character. The people 
did not have much spare change, so 



could not afford to take letters from 
the office and pay the rates charged. 

I remember very well of the postmas- 
ter sending me home from the office to 
get monej' to pay for letters sent to 
my father. If the letter came from New 
York it took eighteen cents to get it; 
if from Boston, six cents; Springfield, 
twelve cents; Washington, twenty-five 
cents. These were the various rates 
charged, and no trust either — must have 
the money to get the letter. 

The result of this policy of the gov- 
ernment was that many letters and 
other matter went to the dead letter 
office, they failing to get anything for 
doing the business. This condition of 
the postal accommodations of this coun- 
try' continued without improvement 
until about 1840, then only by the per- 
sistent demands of the ]ieo[)le, and then 
only of an unsatisfactory character. 
Finally the business interests set up 
private mail routes, although the law 
prohibited them, but they successfully 
carried out this business and compelled 
congress to change the law and meet 
the growing business of the country. 
It was through the efforts of business 
men to get better and cheaper facilities 
for communication that the great ex- 
press business of the coimtry came into 
existence, and Harnden, .\dams and other 
live men started in a very small way 
to carry letters and small packages in 
hand-bags from Boston to New York 
and other large cities. This was about 
1S40, but I remember them with their 
hand-bags in their hands on the wav to 
Boston, and also remember the reports 
of their contentions with the govern- 
ment over the business of carrying let- 
ters and other mailable matter prohib- 
ited by law. This was the beginning of 



what now is a mighty business, reach- 
ing out through the entire business 
w^orld and found with its offices in all 
the large and small cities and towns 
in this country, involving millions of 
capital to carry on its immense busi- 
ness. This is one of the great industri- 
al developments of the last hftj- years. 
Within this period the tremendous ad- 
vance made in postal communication 
and in everything relating to it, brought 
almost to every man's door, at a cost 
hardly felt by the poorest person in the 
community, is most marvelous to us 
who w^ere living in the first half of the 
century. Those coming on to the stage 
of active life within the last half of this 
century cannot realize the magnitude of 
the changes that have taken place with- 
in the lifetime of those of earlier gener- 
ations now living. 



96 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE OLD MILITIA. 

Another incident was brouofht to my 
mind a few days ago while viewing our 
fine military companies as they passed 
along on Main street. It occurred to 
me what a difference there was in their 
appearance as compared with the mili- 
tary of m^' earlv life when out on pa- 
rade. The military establishment of 
this Commonwealth is now in a high 
degree of discipline and has a good 
reputation everywhere, reflecting great 
credit upon itself and the state, and is 
looked upon with pride by the people. 
Its excellent equipment, including their 
neat serviceable uniforms, all supplied 
by the state, the personal character and 
appearance of the men filling these uni- 
forms, when on duty, shows what can 
be done when properly organized and 
liberally supported, as is now the case 
in this state. Through this it is made 
respectable to be in the ranks of the 
volunteer militia, which the fostering 
care of the Commonwealth has made 
possible. This is as it should be, but 
what of the military establishment of 
the olden time, if it can be called such ? 
It was as good as could have been ex- 
pected under the circumstances, taking 
into account the aid and support it re- 
ceived from the government. About all 
the state did was to make laws requir- 
ing every able-bodied man from 18 to 
45 3'ears of age (unless legally excepted) 
to do active military duty at least once 
every year, and if they failed to comply 
with the law they were subject to a 



fine, and imprisonment if not paid. 
Nothing else was done to build np and 
strengthen the military arm of the 
state, unless tents were provided for 
musters and other articles of the same 
character. Every man was obliged to 
equip himself at his own expense and 
keep his arms in good order for service. 
It may be that ammunition was fur- 
nished at the expense of the state, L am 
not sure from my recollections of this 
matter, how^ much w^as done bv gov- 
ernment to supply its soldiers with the 
necessary implements, but I alw^ays un- 
derstood that but little was done in 
aid of the militia. The military spirit 
of that time was fulW up to that of 
the present, taking into account the 
support it received. There was in al- 
most every tow^n either an infantrv or 
artillery company, and in some of the 
larger towns more than one. These 
were all well uniformed, done at their 
own expense. The government furnished 
the cannon, but not the muskets and 
other arms; this I am not sure about 
as I was not old enough to belong to 
any of these companies. These were 
known as the independent uniformed 
militia of the state, and doing duty in 
these organizations relieved the young 
men from training with the un-uniformed 
militia, but otherwise they were re- 
quired to perform military duty on the 
day prescribed by law. This w^as on 
the last Wednesday in May. There was 
much pride taken in these organizations 
in the towns where they w^ere located 
and they received some encouragement 
from the people of their own town. 
My town had for a long time a fine 
infantry company and it was always 
w^ell uniformed and made a good show 
when on parade. Every young man 

98 



that could afford it, or his father afford 
it for him, joined the uniformed com- 
pany, preferring to do his militarj' duty 
in a more respectable manner than the 
un-uniformed company' allowed, so that 
as long as the law required active mili- 
tarj' duty, no trouble existed in keeping 
up full ranks in the independent com- 
panies. Training days to us boys were 
a great event and were looked forward 
to with great interest and enthusiasm. 
I remember well with what pride I 
looked on our company when out on 
parade and how I longed for the time 
when I should be old enough to enter 
its ranks. This training day was a. 
very important event in our country 
villages, when the patriotic yeomanry 
uniformed and un-uniformed appeared 
on the streets of one's peaceful village 
in martial array. The gay uniforms of 
our crack light infantrj- company filled 
us full up to the brim with the true 
military spirit and enthusiasm. But the 
un-uniformed company must not be 
passed by; they were on hand, duly 
equipped, as the law required. What a 
motley crowd they were, of all ages 
from 18 to 45, short and tall in stat- 
ure; they were there by compulsion, 
not from a sense of duty or pride, so 
they came in all sorts and colors of 
apparel. This many of them did to 
show their contempt for the law and 
to bring the whole system into as much 
ridicule as possible. They would rig 
themselves up for the occasion in suits 
like some of the horribles in a Fourth 
of July procession of the present day; 
they would march to the music of fife 
and two drums, as the law required, 
one a base drum. Some, not appearing 
to have a good ear lor the music, found 
it difficult in some instances to keeo 



step with their neighbor, therefore the 
marching indicated lack of tniHtary 
spirit or interest in the business, and 
when drawn up in line for inspection 
they would present a very comic ap- 
pearance and would make a good show 
for a circus. Alter much effort to get 
as straight a line as possible the cap- 
tain would make the inspection required 
of the arms and equipments of each 
man, carefully examining the lock of his 
gun and the flint. In those days per- 
cussion caps were unknown, not having 
been invented, so that the flint was an 
important article of warfare, and must 
at all times be found in working order. 
When this inspection was completed 
they were put through the manual of 
arms or drilled; this was an interesting 
performance, not from the perfection of 
the work, but from the fact that no 
two men would move or act together 
at the same moment. The captain 
would strut up and down before his 
company, giving his orders in a loud 
voice, and woul 1 sometimes b rate them 
for their lack of military knowledge aind 
spirit in quite sharp language, it not so 
polite and dignified as the occasion 
ought to require. It is no wonder the 
captain got out of patience sometimes, 
such a motley crowd he had to deal 
with. When this drilling was through 
he would get them into marching order, 
then proceed to the tavern for rest and 
refreshments, and then it was expected 
the captain would do the liberal thing 
and stand treat for the company. This 
he usually did, but in many cases it 
proved rather costly business for hini, 
and for the honor of being captain 
many a man was considerably reduced 
in his stock of ready cash and got out 
soon to save himself. These trainings 



generally ended with a dance at the 
tavern, when the young women of the 
town put in an appearance and took a 
prominent part, but on too many of 
these occasions drunken frolics ended 
the day. It was quite amusing to wit- 
ness the election of officers. When this 
occurred every man was warned accord- 
ing to law to be present, so they all 
put in an appearance. It wfis all done 
by ballot and often extended late into 
the night through their inability to 
make a choice, but when this was 
effected the elect was expected to step 
out in front of the company and ex- 
press his thanks for the honor conferred, 
and when one in the ranks was elevated 
to the position of corporal he was ex- 
pected to make his obeisance before the 
company. Much of this was very ludi- 
crous and made a good deal of fun for 
every one present. I imagine that some 
of our old men of four-score years and 
more, now living, can speak from expe- 
rience on this matter and no doubt can 
remember training days of their boy- 
hood pretty well. 

The militia musters of the earh' days 
were not always of a creditable charac- 
ter and were anything but a school for 
acquiring military knowledge. They 
were not conducted with much practi- 
cal knowledge of military affairs. The 
officers often were men without experi- 
ence in the science of war, therefore not 
much was accomplished for which the 
law required. There were some excep- 
tions, however. When men with expe- 
rience were at the head of the regi- 
ments in the field, something was done 
for the improvement of the military 
arm of the government, but as a whole 
they proved more of a general holiday 
for the people, as everybody that could 

101 



possibly get there went to these mus- 
ters and many of them ended in drunk- 
en rows, greatly lowering the standard 
of public morality. When a lad and as 
long as one of these musters were held 
in my neighborhood I attended them, 
so I have some recollection of the scenes 
enacted there. This condition of mili- 
tary affairs continued, if I remember 
rightly, up to about 1840 or there- 
abouts, when the law requiring compul- 
sory military duty was repealed, but 
the military spirit was kept up pretty 
well by the continuance of the uni- 
formed companies in the more populous 
part of the state. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

INTRODUCTION OF STEAM AND ELECTRIC 
POWER, THE TELEGRAPH, THE TELE- 
PHONE, ETC. 

Men of three-score and ten can dis- 
Itinctly remember when steam as power 
in any form was only a matter of ex- 
periment, doubtful as anything possible 
for any real use. Although as early as 
labout 18H0 it was put into use experi- 
iinentally in locomotion on sea and land 
in this country and Europe, but as a 
'power in manufacturing establishments 
,it had not been tried, so far as I can 
remember, in any part of New England. 
Railroads in the decade from 1830 to 
'40 came slowly into practical use and 
favor, and the stage coach gradually 
went out of general use. It has re- 
quired upwards of 50 years to develop 
the mighty power of steam and apply 
lit, and we can now only look with 
wonder and amazement at the great 
change brought about through its 
agency in such a short period of time. 
We can hardly realize, as it has been so 
rapid and successful in every particular 
and with such tremendous results in all 
relations of our existence. 

Another great invention soon followed 
the introduction of steam, "The Elec- 
tric Telegraph," first heard of in 1835, 
but not until 1846 did it come into 
public use, then under Prof Morse's 
system, from Washington to Baltimore, 
by aid of congress. This was a suc- 
cess, so far as the principle was con- 
cerned, and through subsequent inven- 
tions and improvements became another 



of the great and useful inventions of 
the first half of the 19th century, now 
in use in every part of the vi^orld in al- 
most every town and village. In 1850 
submarine telegraphy was invented and, 
later on, brought into general use suc- 
cessfully over the entire globe, annihi- 
lating time and space, bringing into al- 
most momentary communication peo- 
ples of far distant countries. Then, as 
late as 1876, came the application of 
the electrical current for the transmission 
of sound, known as the "Telephone," 
another remarkable invention whereby 
conversation can be carried on from 
house to house, from town to town 
and through long distances, evervwhere 
now in use as an indispensable factor 
of our daily life. And then came the 
recent application of electricity for 
power, a possible future competitor to 
steam, as seen in use on our railways 
and in workshops and factories, as yet 
undeveloped in extent of pow^er and 
utility. To witness the passing to and 
fro of carriages filled with people, pro- 
pelled by unseen power in our streets, 
is a wonder alone for the present gen- 
eration, not heard of or thought of at 
the beginning of the last half of this 
century. 

All of these great and wonderful dis- 
coveries have been made and brought 
into use within my memory, and when 
beholding these marvelous realities I 
am led to ask what may be possible 
and what will the coming generation 
see in the new century now at hand. 
The century now about to end has been 
prolific of the greatest discoveries for 
the benefit of mankind, not only of a 
material and physical nature, but of an 
intellectual advancement to higher and 
broader culture in every department of 

104 



life. To confirm this I need only to 
refer back to my boyhood days. I re- 
member well the facilities offered for 
getting an education, a district school 
open three months in the winter and a 
jshort term in the summer was the 
limit, kept at the public expense, but 
the average schooling for boys was 
even less, mostly in the winter season. 
No public high school was open any- 
where, as the law did not require it. 
Private schools and academies were 
ikept in the larger towns, and if you 
idesired a higher education they recjuired 
the payment of term fees and the pro- 
viding of all the necessary books and 
■other needful stationery at your ex- 
pense; in every school in this state at 
that time it was the case and for many 
years after. The poverty of the people, 
as compared with now, prevented the 
fitting for a college education of only a 
few of the young men, and the higher 
learning of young women was not 
thought of 

Colleges and higher institutions of 
learning were few and hard to reach, 
so that to compare such a state of so- 
ciety as then existed with the present 
time, shows the great advance made 
during the period of my life in this 
great matter of education of the peo- 
ple—and this improvement is largely 
the product of the last half of the cen- 
tury. 

The young men of today, I think, 
cannot realize the narrow and limited 
possibilities for advancement that ex- 
isted in the first half of this century. 
The great activities of the present day 
were unknown then. It was Hke the 
slow, steady movement of an ox team, 
as compared with the rushing, driving 
and energetic life of ours today. To be 
ion 



possessed of a niillioti of dollars, as it 
was said that old John Jacob Astor of 
New York was, (and he was aedited 
with being the richest man in this 
country in my boyhood time), was con- 
sidered a remarkable thing and made 
him the object of much note, but now 
to be counted worth a hundred millions 
causes no great surprise. While busi- 
ness then measured its totals in thou- 
sands, it now reckons in millions. 
Through these great discoveries and in- 
ventions of the past 75 years New York 
knows the state of the market in the 
entire commercial world daily, when in 
the early days it required weeks and 
months to secure it. 

Our government at Washington is in- 
formed every day in the year of its 
standing and relation to the remotest 
governments on the globe. 

I might go on and mention without 
limit the immense strides taken in every- 
thing, the vast accumulations of wealth, 
the unrest and tremendous energy of 
the people to improve their condition, 
and the great advance in arts and 
sciences, in education and intelligence of 
the masses, all indicating much greater 
advancement in the future and in the 
general improvement of mankind every- 
where, and children now living will 
witness greater changes than ever be- 
fore seen or conceived in any previous 
age. 



Page 59. 

Correction : 

Should read — the Venerable Levi 
Lincoln, whose father sat in the Cab- 
inet of President Jefferson. 



